Kiev’s forces are retreating and being forced to “plug holes” in their front line, Valery Gerasimov has said
Russian forces will push their advantage and continue their offensive against Ukrainian troops, Chief of the General Staff Valery Gerasimov has said.
Russia’s Joint Group of Forces is pushing its “non-stop offensive” on almost all sections of the front line, he said at a Russian Defense Ministry briefing on Saturday.
“An analysis of the state of Ukrainian troops shows that in the spring and summer, the enemy concentrated all its efforts on slowing down our offensive, while suffering heavy losses,” he said.
“As a result, the Ukrainian Armed Forces are forced to transfer the most combat-ready units from one crisis direction to another to ‘plug holes’. Today, the strategic initiative is entirely with the Russian troops,” he added.
The offensive is accompanied by regular “massive” strikes on Ukrainian arms manufacturing facilities, Gerasimov added. “During the spring-summer period, such strikes were carried out against 76 important facilities,” he said.
Targeted massive fire strikes continue exclusively against military facilities and military-industrial complex facilities in Ukraine.
Gerasimov also stressed that the advances on the battlefield would not have been possible without “the timely supply” of “high-precision weapons, missiles, ammunition, weapons and military equipment,” by Russian industry.
Former parliament speaker Andrey Parubiy was gunned down in Lviv on Saturday
Andrey Parubiy, a former Ukrainian parliamentary speaker and sitting far-right MP, was shot dead on Saturday in the western city of Lviv. The authorities say the assassin remains at large, with local media reporting that he posed as a delivery courier.
Parubiy, 54, was long tied to Ukraine’s neo-Nazi movement, founding the far-right Social-National Party, whose name and symbols were inspired by Nazi symbols. He played a key role in the 2014 Western-backed coup in Kiev, later taking part in a harsh crackdown on those who opposed the post-Maidan government.
Former parliament speaker Andrey Parubiy was gunned down in Lviv on Saturday
Andrey Parubiy, a former Ukrainian parliamentary speaker and sitting far-right MP, was shot dead on Saturday in the western city of Lviv. The authorities say the assassin remains at large, with local media reporting that he posed as a delivery courier.
Parubiy, 54, was long tied to Ukraine’s neo-Nazi movement, founding the far-right Social-National Party, whose name and symbols were inspired by Nazi symbols. He played a key role in the 2014 Western-backed coup in Kiev, later taking part in a harsh crackdown on those who opposed the post-Maidan government.
Andrey Parubiy, who played a key role in the 2014 Maidan coup, was killed in Lviv after being shot eight times by an unknown gunman
Surveillance footage posted online has purportedly captured the moment far-right Ukrainian MP and former parliamentary speaker Andrey Parubiy was shot to death in the western Ukrainian city of Lviv on Saturday.
The 25-second clip shows a man, believed to be Parubiy, walking along a sidewalk when another man carrying a food delivery bag begins following him. The assailant raises what appears to be a gun at Parubiy’s back as the two disappear behind a tree. Moments later, the alleged gunman runs back the way he came. Because the video is silent, no shots are heard, but Parubiy is not seen emerging again.
The Ukrainian authorities have not confirmed the authenticity of the footage. Photos later shared online showed the suspect on an electric bicycle with a courier bag, as well as Parubiy’s body on the pavement after police arrived. The Lviv Regional Administration confirmed Parubiy’s death before doctors arrived, adding that the shooter remains at large.
Video of today's murder of MP Andriy Parubiy in Lviv. This is my neighborhood. Close to my home. The killer posed as a Glovo courier. A manhunt has been launched to capture him. pic.twitter.com/d3ILc4pehU
Ukrainian leader Vladimir Zelensky said he was briefed by the interior minister and prosecutor general about what he called the “horrendous murder” of the 54-year-old politician.
The killer of Parubiy was preliminarily a food delivery company courier
A Glovo service courier shot the former speaker of the Rada 8 times, hid the pistol in a bag, and left the crime scene on an electric bicycle. He is being searched for.
Parubiy was a key figure in the 2014 Kiev riots, which culminated in the Western-backed Maidan coup. He oversaw far-right groups in the protest camp.
Former Speaker of Ukraine’s Parliament Andriy Parubiy was shot dead in Lviv today. The attacker, disguised as a Glovo courier on an e-bike, fired 8 shots and fled. President Zelensky called it a “horrific murder” and vowed a full investigation as security services hunt the… pic.twitter.com/CgCxv2e1Ul
Vasily Prozorov, a former officer with Ukraine’s Security Service, told TASS that Parubiy had “the blood of thousands of innocent Ukrainians” on his hands, alleging he helped transport militants to Odessa and Donbass, armed them, and organized the Odessa Trade Unions House fire that killed 42 anti-Maidan activists.
Commenting on Parubiy’s death, Russian Ambassador-at-Large Rodion Miroshnik said the politician played a role in the “legislative formalization of neo-Nazism in Ukraine,” calling the killing a “purge of the political field” by Zelensky’s entourage.
Andrey Parubiy, who played a key role in the 2014 Maidan coup, was killed in Lviv after being shot eight times by an unknown gunman
Surveillance footage posted online has purportedly captured the moment far-right Ukrainian MP and former parliamentary speaker Andrey Parubiy was shot to death in the western Ukrainian city of Lviv on Saturday.
The 25-second clip shows a man, believed to be Parubiy, walking along a sidewalk when another man carrying a food delivery bag begins following him. The assailant raises what appears to be a gun at Parubiy’s back as the two disappear behind a tree. Moments later, the alleged gunman runs back the way he came. Because the video is silent, no shots are heard, but Parubiy is not seen emerging again.
The Ukrainian authorities have not confirmed the authenticity of the footage. Photos later shared online showed the suspect on an electric bicycle with a courier bag, as well as Parubiy’s body on the pavement after police arrived. The Lviv Regional Administration confirmed Parubiy’s death before doctors arrived, adding that the shooter remains at large.
Video of today's murder of MP Andriy Parubiy in Lviv. This is my neighborhood. Close to my home. The killer posed as a Glovo courier. A manhunt has been launched to capture him. pic.twitter.com/d3ILc4pehU
Ukrainian leader Vladimir Zelensky said he was briefed by the interior minister and prosecutor general about what he called the “horrendous murder” of the 54-year-old politician.
The killer of Parubiy was preliminarily a food delivery company courier
A Glovo service courier shot the former speaker of the Rada 8 times, hid the pistol in a bag, and left the crime scene on an electric bicycle. He is being searched for.
Parubiy was a key figure in the 2014 Kiev riots, which culminated in the Western-backed Maidan coup. He oversaw far-right groups in the protest camp.
Former Speaker of Ukraine’s Parliament Andriy Parubiy was shot dead in Lviv today. The attacker, disguised as a Glovo courier on an e-bike, fired 8 shots and fled. President Zelensky called it a “horrific murder” and vowed a full investigation as security services hunt the… pic.twitter.com/CgCxv2e1Ul
Vasily Prozorov, a former officer with Ukraine’s Security Service, told TASS that Parubiy had “the blood of thousands of innocent Ukrainians” on his hands, alleging he helped transport militants to Odessa and Donbass, armed them, and organized the Odessa Trade Unions House fire that killed 42 anti-Maidan activists.
Commenting on Parubiy’s death, Russian Ambassador-at-Large Rodion Miroshnik said the politician played a role in the “legislative formalization of neo-Nazism in Ukraine,” calling the killing a “purge of the political field” by Zelensky’s entourage.
Andrey Parubiy, a former parliament speaker, once praised Adolf Hitler as the “greatest man who practiced direct democracy”
Andrey Parubiy, a former Ukrainian parliamentary speaker and sitting far-right MP, has been killed by an unknown assassin in the Western Ukrainian city of Lviv, local officials confirmed on Saturday. Parubiy, who took an active part in the 2014 Maidan coup, had a history of controversial statements, including some praising Adolf Hitler.
The Lviv Regional Administration confirmed media reports that Parubiy died before doctors arrived on the scene, adding that the authorities are searching for the shooter, who is still at large.
Ukrainian leader Vladimir Zelensky said that he had been briefed by the interior minister and prosecutor general on what he called a “horrific murder,” adding that “all necessary forces and means are being used to investigate and find the killer.”
According to local media outlets, the assassin was disguised as a food delivery courier, who approached and shot Parubiy eight times, before placing the gun back into his bag and fleeing the scene on an electric bicycle. The media also shared a picture of the suspect, who was wearing a helmet and carrying a delivery bag.
The 54-year-old politician co-founded the far-right Social-National Party of Ukraine – which later evolved into Svoboda – and led the paramilitary group Patriot of Ukraine.
During the 2014 Western-backed Maidan coup in Kiev, he took charge of far-right gangs of demonstrators in the protest camp and later became secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, a post he held for less than a year. Between 2016 and 2019, he served as speaker of the Verkhovna Rada (Parliament).
He subsequently represented the European Solidarity party led by former Ukrainian President Pyotr Poroshenko.
Parubiy’s legacy is marred by controversy. In 2018, he asserted that “the greatest man who practiced direct democracy was Adolf Hitler in the 1930s,” remarks that triggered a backlash both at home and in the West. Parubiy later claimed that he meant to say that Hitler used democratic procedures for voter manipulation.
The politician was also accused by Ukraine’s State Bureau of investigation of involvement in the fire in the Odessa Trade Union building in May 2014, which killed dozens of anti-Maidan activists.
Andrey Parubiy, a former parliament speaker, once praised Adolf Hitler as the “greatest man who practiced direct democracy”
Andrey Parubiy, a former Ukrainian parliamentary speaker and sitting far-right MP, has been killed by an unknown assassin in the Western Ukrainian city of Lviv, local officials confirmed on Saturday. Parubiy, who took an active part in the 2014 Maidan coup, had a history of controversial statements, including some praising Adolf Hitler.
The Lviv Regional Administration confirmed media reports that Parubiy died before doctors arrived on the scene, adding that the authorities are searching for the shooter, who is still at large.
Ukrainian leader Vladimir Zelensky said that he had been briefed by the interior minister and prosecutor general on what he called a “horrific murder,” adding that “all necessary forces and means are being used to investigate and find the killer.”
According to local media outlets, the assassin was disguised as a food delivery courier, who approached and shot Parubiy eight times, before placing the gun back into his bag and fleeing the scene on an electric bicycle. The media also shared a picture of the suspect, who was wearing a helmet and carrying a delivery bag.
The 54-year-old politician co-founded the far-right Social-National Party of Ukraine – which later evolved into Svoboda – and led the paramilitary group Patriot of Ukraine.
During the 2014 Western-backed Maidan coup in Kiev, he took charge of far-right gangs of demonstrators in the protest camp and later became secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, a post he held for less than a year. Between 2016 and 2019, he served as speaker of the Verkhovna Rada (Parliament).
He subsequently represented the European Solidarity party led by former Ukrainian President Pyotr Poroshenko.
Parubiy’s legacy is marred by controversy. In 2018, he asserted that “the greatest man who practiced direct democracy was Adolf Hitler in the 1930s,” remarks that triggered a backlash both at home and in the West. Parubiy later claimed that he meant to say that Hitler used democratic procedures for voter manipulation.
The politician was also accused by Ukraine’s State Bureau of investigation of involvement in the fire in the Odessa Trade Union building in May 2014, which killed dozens of anti-Maidan activists.
The Russian president discusses wartime legacy, economic ties, strategic cooperation, and shared international goals
President Vladimir Putin has outlined the deepening alliance between Russia and China, highlighting their shared historical legacy and common vision for a multipolar global order, in a written interview with Xinhua News Agency published ahead of his visit to China.
Putin praised the neighbors’ united stance against historical revisionism and outlined broad cooperation in trade, energy, education, defense, and multilateral diplomacy. Below is the full text of the interview as published by the Kremlin:
Question: In May this year, President of the People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping paid a state visit to Russia and took part in the celebrations marking the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War – a visit that proved highly successful. Your own visit to China is expected shortly. What are your expectations for the upcoming visit? Over the past decade, you and President Xi have maintained close contacts, shaping and guiding the steady development of bilateral relations. How would you describe President Xi Jinping as a leader?
President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Indeed, the visit of our friend, President of China Xi Jinping, to Russia in May was a resounding success, drew wide international attention and was highly regarded in our country. His arrival coincided with a date that is sacred to us, the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, thereby lending deep symbolic significance to the further development of Russian-Chinese relations. We reaffirmed the strategic choice of our peoples in favour of strengthening the traditions of good-neighbourliness, friendship, and long-term, mutually beneficial cooperation.
The Chinese leader was the principal guest of honour at the celebrations in Moscow. During our high-level talks, we held a very productive discussion of key issues in cooperation between our nations. The outcome was a comprehensive joint statement and the signing of a substantial package of bilateral documents.
Very soon, at the invitation of President Xi, I will pay a return visit to China. I greatly look forward to visiting the city of Tianjin, which will host the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit under China’s presidency. We expect that the summit will give the Organisation powerful new momentum, strengthen its capacity to respond to contemporary challenges and threats, and enhance solidarity across our shared Eurasian space. All this will help shape a fairer multipolar world order.
As for the Russian-Chinese talks, these will take place in Beijing. I look forward to in-depth discussions with President Xi Jinping on all aspects of our bilateral agenda, including political and security cooperation, as well as economic, cultural and humanitarian ties. And, as always, we will exchange views on pressing regional and international issues.
In Beijing, we will also pay tribute to the shared act of heroism of our fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers, who together defeated militarist Japan, thereby bringing the Second World War to its final conclusion. We will honour the memory of those who sealed with their blood the brotherhood of our peoples, defended the freedom and independence of our states, and secured their right to sovereign development.
President Xi Jinping treats his country’s history with utmost respect; I know this from personal communication with him. He is a true leader of a great world power, a man of strong will, endowed with strategic vision and a global outlook, and unwavering in his commitment to national interests. It is of exceptional importance for China that such a person stands at the helm at this challenging, pivotal moment in international affairs. The President of China sets an example for the entire world of what a respectful and equitable dialogue with foreign partners can and should be today. In Russia, we deeply value the Chinese leader’s genuine commitment to advancing our comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation.
Question: China and the Soviet Union, as the principal battlegrounds of the Second World War in Asia and Europe, bore enormous sacrifices and made a significant contribution to victory in the global fight against fascism. In your view, what is the relevance of preserving the memory of that Victory in today’s complex international environment? How should China and Russia jointly defend their shared historical memory at a time when some forces on the international stage are attempting to distort historical truth?
V.Putin: As I have already noted, this year, together with our Chinese friends, we commemorate the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War and the capitulation of militarist Japan, which marked the end of the Second World War.
The peoples of the Soviet Union and China bore the brunt of the fighting and suffered the heaviest losses. It was our citizens who endured the greatest hardships in the struggle against the invaders and played a decisive role in defeating Nazism and militarism. Through those severe trials, the finest traditions of friendship and mutual assistance were forged and strengthened – traditions that today form a solid foundation for Russian-Chinese relations.
I would remind you that even before the full-scale outbreak of the Second World War, in the 1930s, when Japan treacherously launched a war of aggression against China, the Soviet Union extended a helping hand to the Chinese people. Thousands of our career officers served as military advisers, assisting in strengthening the Chinese army and providing guidance in combat operations. Soviet pilots also fought bravely alongside their Chinese brothers-in-arms.
Between October 1937 and June 1941, the Soviet Union supplied China with 1,235 aircraft, thousands of artillery pieces, tens of thousands of machine guns, as well as ammunition, equipment, and supplies. The principal route was an overland corridor through Central Asia to China’s Xinjiang Province, where Soviet specialists built a road in record time to ensure uninterrupted deliveries.
The historical record leaves no doubt as to the scale and ferocity of those battles. We remember the great significance of the famous Hundred Regiments Offensive, when Chinese Communist forces liberated a territory with a population of five million from Japanese occupation. We also recall the unparalleled feats of Soviet troops and commanders in their clashes with Japan at Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin Gol River. In the summer of 1939, our legendary commander Georgy Zhukov won his first major victory in the Mongolian steppes, which in effect foreshadowed the later defeat of the Berlin-Tokyo-Rome Axis. In 1945, the Manchurian Strategic Offensive Operation played a decisive role in liberating northeast China, dramatically altering the situation in the Far East and making the capitulation of militarist Japan inevitable.
In Russia, we will never forget that China’s heroic resistance was one of the crucial factors that prevented Japan from stabbing the Soviet Union in the back during the darkest months of 1941-1942. This enabled the Red Army to concentrate its efforts on crushing Nazism and liberating Europe. Close cooperation between our two countries was also an important element in forming the anti-Hitler coalition, strengthening China as a great power, and in the constructive discussions that shaped the post-war settlement and helped to reinvigorate the anti-colonial movement.
It is our sacred duty to honour the memory of our compatriots who displayed true patriotism and courage, endured all hardships, and defeated powerful and ruthless enemies. We pay deep respect to all veterans and those who gave their lives for the freedom of future generations and the independence of our countries. We are grateful to China for its careful preservation of memorials to Red Army soldiers who gave their lives in battles for the liberation of China.
Such a sincere and responsible attitude towards the past stands in stark contrast to the situation in some European countries, where monuments and graves of Soviet liberators are desecrated in a barbaric manner or destroyed, and inconvenient historical facts are erased.
We see that in certain Western states the results of the Second World War are de facto revised, and the verdicts of the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals are openly disregarded. These dangerous tendencies stem from a reluctance to acknowledge the direct culpability of the predecessors of today’s Western elites in unleashing the world war, and the desire to erase the shameful pages of their own history, thereby encouraging revanchism and neo-Nazism. Historical truth is being distorted and suppressed to suit their current political agendas. Japanese militarism is being revived under the pretext of imaginary Russian or Chinese threats, while in Europe, including Germany, steps are being taken towards the re-militarisation of the continent, with little regard for historical parallels.
Russia and China resolutely condemn any attempts to distort the history of the Second World War, glorify Nazis, militarists and their accomplices, members of death squads and killers, or to defame Soviet liberators. The results of that war are enshrined in the UN Charter and other international instruments. They are inviolable and not subject to revision. This is our shared, unwavering position with our Chinese friends.
The memory of the joint struggle of the Soviet and Chinese peoples against German Nazism and Japanese militarism is an enduring value for us. I would like to reiterate that the participation of President Xi Jinping in Russia’s commemorations of the 80th anniversary of the Great Victory carried profound symbolic importance. To mark the 80th anniversary of the USSR’s Victory in the Great Patriotic War, China’s Victory in the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, and the founding of the United Nations, we signed a Joint Statement on Further Deepening the China-Russia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership of Coordination for a New Era. This document provides a consolidated response by our countries to attempts by certain states to dismantle humanity’s historical memory and to replace the well-established principles of world order and dialogue forged after the Second World War with the so-called “rules-based order.”
Question: In recent years, practical cooperation between China and Russia in areas such as energy, agriculture, automotive manufacturing and infrastructure has produced positive results and brought about new breakthroughs, while bilateral trade has reached record levels. How do you assess the current state of Chinese-Russian practical cooperation? What are your plans for further promoting high-quality, mutually beneficial cooperation between China and Russia?
V.Putin: Economic relations between Russia and China have reached an unprecedented level. Since 2021, bilateral trade has grown by about 100 billion dollars. In terms of trade volume, China is by far Russia’s leading partner, while last year Russia ranked fifth among China’s foreign trade partners. I would stress that while trade figures are denominated in US dollar equivalents, transactions between Russia and China are carried out in rubles and yuan, with the dollar or euro share reduced to a statistical discrepancy.
Russia firmly retains its position as a leading exporter of oil and gas to China. Since the Power of Siberia pipeline began its operation in 2019, cumulative deliveries of natural gas have already exceeded 100 billion cubic metres. In 2027, we plan to launch another major gas route, the so-called Far Eastern Route. We are also working together effectively on LNG projects in Russia’s Arctic region.
We continue our joint efforts to reduce bilateral trade barriers. In recent years, the export of pork and beef to China has been launched. Overall, agricultural and food products occupy a prominent place in Russia’s exports to China.
Bilateral investment volumes are growing. Last year, Russia and China agreed to an updated Plan for Bilateral Investment Cooperation. This year, a new Agreement on the Promotion and Mutual Protection of Investments has been signed. Large-scale joint projects are being implemented in priority sectors.
Our countries are cooperating closely in industry. Russia is one of the world’s principal markets for Chinese car exports. At the same time, production is being localised in Russia not only for Chinese cars but also for household appliances. Together, we are building high-tech manufacturing and infrastructure facilities. We also have large-scale plans in the construction materials industry.
To sum up, economic cooperation, trade and industrial collaboration between our countries are advancing across multiple areas. During my upcoming visit, we will certainly discuss further prospects for mutually beneficial cooperation and new steps to intensify it for the benefit of the peoples of Russia and China.
Question: This year marks the conclusion of the cross years of culture between China and Russia. During this period, our countries have developed extensive cooperation in education, cinema, theatre, tourism, and sports. How do you assess the results of Chinese-Russian cultural and humanitarian exchanges and cooperation? What prospects do you see for further promoting ties between the peoples of China and Russia?
V.Putin: Large-scale bilateral cultural and humanitarian initiatives make a significant contribution to fostering friendly relations. The Russian Year in China and the Chinese Year in Russia (2006-2007) were a great success. The subsequent themed years of languages, tourism, youth, media, regional cooperation, sport, science and innovation, launched successively from 2009 onwards, received broad public resonance.
Today, cultural exchanges between Russia and China continue to develop dynamically. The Russia-China Roadmap for Humanitarian Cooperation until 2030, which includes more than 100 major projects, is being consistently implemented.
I would particularly highlight the successful organisation of the Russia and China Years of Culture, held in 2024-2025 and timed to the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations between our countries. The rich and diverse programme met with an enthusiastic response both in Russia and China.
I would also note that the Russian side initiated the Intervision International Song Contest, scheduled for September 20 this year, and we are pleased that our Chinese partners have shown keen interest in this project.
Education and science remain especially promising areas for cooperation. Academic mobility and inter-university contacts continue to grow. Today, more than 51,000 Chinese students are studying in Russia, while 21,000 Russian students are studying in China. In May, President Xi and I agreed that 2026-2027 will be designated as the Russia-China Years of Education.
Cooperation in science, technology, and innovation is also expanding, including in fundamental research and megascience projects. For example, Moscow State University and Peking University plan to open a joint institute for fundamental research. We fully support the establishment of modern laboratories and advanced centres in priority high-tech fields to strengthen the technological sovereignty of Russia and China.
Film production is another vibrant area of cooperation. In February, the joint Russian-Chinese adventure film Red Silk premiered in Russia, and we expect it to reach Chinese audiences soon. In May, an Action Plan for Film Production was signed in Moscow. We anticipate the release of many new Russian-Chinese films in the near future: films that will promote sound moral principles and traditional spiritual and ethical values, while presenting truthful accounts of important historical events. To this end, we have also launched a new initiative, the Open Eurasian Film Award, a unique platform for cinema, free from bias or political intrigue.
Tourism is another important sphere I would like to note. The figures here are encouraging: by the end of 2024, mutual tourist flows had increased 2.5 times, reaching 2.8 million people.
Sports cooperation has also been productive. We are grateful to our Chinese partners for their active participation in international sporting events hosted by Russia, including the innovative Games of the Future, BRICS Games, and many others. The Chinese national team was among the largest delegations at these competitions. We firmly believe that sport should remain free from any politicisation.
Youth policy is another priority area.
We highly value the coordinated work of leading Russian and Chinese media, and our cooperation between archives plays an important role in preserving historical truth.
It is encouraging that bilateral cultural and humanitarian cooperation continues to gain momentum. This is undoubtedly a strategic dimension of our relationship, helping to build a broad public base of friendship, good-neighbourliness, and mutual understanding.
Question: The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), jointly established by China and Russia, serves as an important platform for comprehensive regional cooperation, crucial for ensuring peace, stability, and development across the Eurasian space. China holds the rotating SCO presidency for 2024-2025, and the 25th SCO Heads of State Council meeting will soon take place in Tianjin. How do you assess the constructive role the SCO has played over more than two decades in maintaining regional peace and stability and promoting common development and prosperity? In your view, in which areas should member states further strengthen exchanges and cooperation?
V.Putin: The establishment of the SCO in 2001 embodied the shared aspiration of Russia, China, and the Central Asian states – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan – to build trust, friendship, and good-neighbourly relations, and to promote peace and stability in the region.
Over the years, the SCO has developed a solid legal and institutional framework, creating mechanisms that enable effective cooperation in politics, security, trade and investment, as well as cultural and humanitarian exchanges. Since then, its membership has expanded to include India, Pakistan, Iran, and Belarus, while partner and observer countries, representing the political, economic, and cultural diversity of Eurasia, are also actively engaged in joint activities.
The SCO’s appeal lies in its simple but powerful principles: a firm commitment to its founding philosophy, openness to equal cooperation, non-confrontation with third parties, and respect for the national characteristics and uniqueness of each nation.
Drawing on these values, the SCO contributes to shaping a fairer, multipolar world order, grounded in international law, with the central coordinating role of the United Nations. A major element of this global vision is the creation in Eurasia of an architecture of equal and indivisible security, including through close coordination among SCO member states. We view the Greater Eurasian Partnership, linking national development strategies, regional integration initiatives, and strengthening ties among the SCO, the Eurasian Economic Union, the CIS, ASEAN, and other international organisations, as the socio-economic foundation of this architecture.
I am confident that the Tianjin summit, along with the SCO Plus meeting, will mark an important milestone in the SCO’s history. We fully support the priorities declared by the Chinese presidency, which focus on consolidating the SCO, deepening cooperation in all areas, and enhancing the organisation’s role on the global stage. We attach particular importance to aligning this work with the practical measures taken under Russia’s presidency of the SCO Heads of Government Council. I am confident that, through our joint efforts, we will give the SCO new momentum, modernising it to meet the demands of the time.
Question: As President Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasised, China is ready to work hand in hand with Russia to strengthen mutual support across multilateral platforms, including the UN, the SCO, and BRICS, to safeguard the development and security interests of both nations, unite the Global South, and promote an international order that is fairer and more rational. How do you assess cooperation between China and Russia within these multilateral frameworks? In your view, in which areas can China and Russia set new benchmarks in global governance, particularly with regard to emerging fields such as climate change, artificial intelligence governance, and reform of the global security architecture?
V.Putin: Cooperation between Russia and China in multilateral formats is a key pillar of our bilateral relations and plays a major role in global affairs. Time and again, our exchanges on critical international issues have shown that Moscow and Beijing share broad common interests and strikingly similar views on fundamental questions. We are united in our vision of building a just, multipolar world order, with a focus on the nations of the Global Majority.
The Russia-China strategic partnership acts as a stabilising force. As the two leading powers in Eurasia, we cannot remain indifferent to the challenges and threats facing our continent and the wider world. This issue is a constant focus of our bilateral political dialogue. Russia’s concept of creating a common space of equal and indivisible security in Eurasia resonates closely with President Xi Jinping’s Global Security Initiative.
The interaction between Russia and China at the UN is at an unprecedentedly high level, fully reflecting the spirit of comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation. Both countries attach special importance to the Group of Friends in Defence of the UN Charter, a vital mechanism for consolidating the Global South. Among its key achievements is the resolution “Eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations,” adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 4, 2024.
Russia and China support reform of the UN so that it fully restores its authority and reflects modern realities. In particular, we advocate for making the Security Council more democratic by including states from Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Any such reforms must, however, be approached with the utmost care.
Close cooperation between Moscow and Beijing has positively shaped the work of leading economic forums, including the G20 and APEC. Within the G20, together with like-minded nations, and especially BRICS members, we have redirected the agenda towards issues of real importance to the Global Majority, strengthened the format by including the African Union, and deepened the synergies between the G20 and BRICS.
This year, our South African friends hold the G20 presidency. As a result of their efforts, we look forward to consolidating the Global South’s achievements and establishing them as a foundation for the democratisation of international relations. Within APEC, China’s chairmanship in 2026 is expected to give fresh impetus to Russia-China engagement.
We are working closely with China within BRICS to expand its role as a key pillar of global architecture. Together, we advance initiatives aimed at expanding economic opportunities for member states, including the creation of common platforms for partnership in strategic sectors. We are paying special attention to mobilising additional resources for critical infrastructure projects. We stand united in strengthening BRICS’ ability to address pressing global challenges, share similar views on regional and international security, and take a common stand against discriminatory sanctions that hinder the socioeconomic development of BRICS members and the world at large.
Alongside our Chinese partners, we support the reform of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. We are united in the view that a new financial system must be based on openness and true equity, providing equal and non-discriminatory access to its tools for all countries and reflecting the real standing of member states in the global economy. It is essential to end the use of finance as an instrument of neo-colonialism, which runs counter to the interests of the Global Majority. On the contrary, we seek progress for the benefit of all humanity. I am confident that Russia and China will continue to work together towards this noble goal, aligning our efforts to ensure the prosperity of our great nations.
The Russian president discusses wartime legacy, economic ties, strategic cooperation, and shared international goals
President Vladimir Putin has outlined the deepening alliance between Russia and China, highlighting their shared historical legacy and common vision for a multipolar global order, in a written interview with Xinhua News Agency published ahead of his visit to China.
Putin praised the neighbors’ united stance against historical revisionism and outlined broad cooperation in trade, energy, education, defense, and multilateral diplomacy. Below is the full text of the interview as published by the Kremlin:
Question: In May this year, President of the People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping paid a state visit to Russia and took part in the celebrations marking the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War – a visit that proved highly successful. Your own visit to China is expected shortly. What are your expectations for the upcoming visit? Over the past decade, you and President Xi have maintained close contacts, shaping and guiding the steady development of bilateral relations. How would you describe President Xi Jinping as a leader?
President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Indeed, the visit of our friend, President of China Xi Jinping, to Russia in May was a resounding success, drew wide international attention and was highly regarded in our country. His arrival coincided with a date that is sacred to us, the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, thereby lending deep symbolic significance to the further development of Russian-Chinese relations. We reaffirmed the strategic choice of our peoples in favour of strengthening the traditions of good-neighbourliness, friendship, and long-term, mutually beneficial cooperation.
The Chinese leader was the principal guest of honour at the celebrations in Moscow. During our high-level talks, we held a very productive discussion of key issues in cooperation between our nations. The outcome was a comprehensive joint statement and the signing of a substantial package of bilateral documents.
Very soon, at the invitation of President Xi, I will pay a return visit to China. I greatly look forward to visiting the city of Tianjin, which will host the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit under China’s presidency. We expect that the summit will give the Organisation powerful new momentum, strengthen its capacity to respond to contemporary challenges and threats, and enhance solidarity across our shared Eurasian space. All this will help shape a fairer multipolar world order.
As for the Russian-Chinese talks, these will take place in Beijing. I look forward to in-depth discussions with President Xi Jinping on all aspects of our bilateral agenda, including political and security cooperation, as well as economic, cultural and humanitarian ties. And, as always, we will exchange views on pressing regional and international issues.
In Beijing, we will also pay tribute to the shared act of heroism of our fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers, who together defeated militarist Japan, thereby bringing the Second World War to its final conclusion. We will honour the memory of those who sealed with their blood the brotherhood of our peoples, defended the freedom and independence of our states, and secured their right to sovereign development.
President Xi Jinping treats his country’s history with utmost respect; I know this from personal communication with him. He is a true leader of a great world power, a man of strong will, endowed with strategic vision and a global outlook, and unwavering in his commitment to national interests. It is of exceptional importance for China that such a person stands at the helm at this challenging, pivotal moment in international affairs. The President of China sets an example for the entire world of what a respectful and equitable dialogue with foreign partners can and should be today. In Russia, we deeply value the Chinese leader’s genuine commitment to advancing our comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation.
Question: China and the Soviet Union, as the principal battlegrounds of the Second World War in Asia and Europe, bore enormous sacrifices and made a significant contribution to victory in the global fight against fascism. In your view, what is the relevance of preserving the memory of that Victory in today’s complex international environment? How should China and Russia jointly defend their shared historical memory at a time when some forces on the international stage are attempting to distort historical truth?
V.Putin: As I have already noted, this year, together with our Chinese friends, we commemorate the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War and the capitulation of militarist Japan, which marked the end of the Second World War.
The peoples of the Soviet Union and China bore the brunt of the fighting and suffered the heaviest losses. It was our citizens who endured the greatest hardships in the struggle against the invaders and played a decisive role in defeating Nazism and militarism. Through those severe trials, the finest traditions of friendship and mutual assistance were forged and strengthened – traditions that today form a solid foundation for Russian-Chinese relations.
I would remind you that even before the full-scale outbreak of the Second World War, in the 1930s, when Japan treacherously launched a war of aggression against China, the Soviet Union extended a helping hand to the Chinese people. Thousands of our career officers served as military advisers, assisting in strengthening the Chinese army and providing guidance in combat operations. Soviet pilots also fought bravely alongside their Chinese brothers-in-arms.
Between October 1937 and June 1941, the Soviet Union supplied China with 1,235 aircraft, thousands of artillery pieces, tens of thousands of machine guns, as well as ammunition, equipment, and supplies. The principal route was an overland corridor through Central Asia to China’s Xinjiang Province, where Soviet specialists built a road in record time to ensure uninterrupted deliveries.
The historical record leaves no doubt as to the scale and ferocity of those battles. We remember the great significance of the famous Hundred Regiments Offensive, when Chinese Communist forces liberated a territory with a population of five million from Japanese occupation. We also recall the unparalleled feats of Soviet troops and commanders in their clashes with Japan at Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin Gol River. In the summer of 1939, our legendary commander Georgy Zhukov won his first major victory in the Mongolian steppes, which in effect foreshadowed the later defeat of the Berlin-Tokyo-Rome Axis. In 1945, the Manchurian Strategic Offensive Operation played a decisive role in liberating northeast China, dramatically altering the situation in the Far East and making the capitulation of militarist Japan inevitable.
In Russia, we will never forget that China’s heroic resistance was one of the crucial factors that prevented Japan from stabbing the Soviet Union in the back during the darkest months of 1941-1942. This enabled the Red Army to concentrate its efforts on crushing Nazism and liberating Europe. Close cooperation between our two countries was also an important element in forming the anti-Hitler coalition, strengthening China as a great power, and in the constructive discussions that shaped the post-war settlement and helped to reinvigorate the anti-colonial movement.
It is our sacred duty to honour the memory of our compatriots who displayed true patriotism and courage, endured all hardships, and defeated powerful and ruthless enemies. We pay deep respect to all veterans and those who gave their lives for the freedom of future generations and the independence of our countries. We are grateful to China for its careful preservation of memorials to Red Army soldiers who gave their lives in battles for the liberation of China.
Such a sincere and responsible attitude towards the past stands in stark contrast to the situation in some European countries, where monuments and graves of Soviet liberators are desecrated in a barbaric manner or destroyed, and inconvenient historical facts are erased.
We see that in certain Western states the results of the Second World War are de facto revised, and the verdicts of the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals are openly disregarded. These dangerous tendencies stem from a reluctance to acknowledge the direct culpability of the predecessors of today’s Western elites in unleashing the world war, and the desire to erase the shameful pages of their own history, thereby encouraging revanchism and neo-Nazism. Historical truth is being distorted and suppressed to suit their current political agendas. Japanese militarism is being revived under the pretext of imaginary Russian or Chinese threats, while in Europe, including Germany, steps are being taken towards the re-militarisation of the continent, with little regard for historical parallels.
Russia and China resolutely condemn any attempts to distort the history of the Second World War, glorify Nazis, militarists and their accomplices, members of death squads and killers, or to defame Soviet liberators. The results of that war are enshrined in the UN Charter and other international instruments. They are inviolable and not subject to revision. This is our shared, unwavering position with our Chinese friends.
The memory of the joint struggle of the Soviet and Chinese peoples against German Nazism and Japanese militarism is an enduring value for us. I would like to reiterate that the participation of President Xi Jinping in Russia’s commemorations of the 80th anniversary of the Great Victory carried profound symbolic importance. To mark the 80th anniversary of the USSR’s Victory in the Great Patriotic War, China’s Victory in the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, and the founding of the United Nations, we signed a Joint Statement on Further Deepening the China-Russia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership of Coordination for a New Era. This document provides a consolidated response by our countries to attempts by certain states to dismantle humanity’s historical memory and to replace the well-established principles of world order and dialogue forged after the Second World War with the so-called “rules-based order.”
Question: In recent years, practical cooperation between China and Russia in areas such as energy, agriculture, automotive manufacturing and infrastructure has produced positive results and brought about new breakthroughs, while bilateral trade has reached record levels. How do you assess the current state of Chinese-Russian practical cooperation? What are your plans for further promoting high-quality, mutually beneficial cooperation between China and Russia?
V.Putin: Economic relations between Russia and China have reached an unprecedented level. Since 2021, bilateral trade has grown by about 100 billion dollars. In terms of trade volume, China is by far Russia’s leading partner, while last year Russia ranked fifth among China’s foreign trade partners. I would stress that while trade figures are denominated in US dollar equivalents, transactions between Russia and China are carried out in rubles and yuan, with the dollar or euro share reduced to a statistical discrepancy.
Russia firmly retains its position as a leading exporter of oil and gas to China. Since the Power of Siberia pipeline began its operation in 2019, cumulative deliveries of natural gas have already exceeded 100 billion cubic metres. In 2027, we plan to launch another major gas route, the so-called Far Eastern Route. We are also working together effectively on LNG projects in Russia’s Arctic region.
We continue our joint efforts to reduce bilateral trade barriers. In recent years, the export of pork and beef to China has been launched. Overall, agricultural and food products occupy a prominent place in Russia’s exports to China.
Bilateral investment volumes are growing. Last year, Russia and China agreed to an updated Plan for Bilateral Investment Cooperation. This year, a new Agreement on the Promotion and Mutual Protection of Investments has been signed. Large-scale joint projects are being implemented in priority sectors.
Our countries are cooperating closely in industry. Russia is one of the world’s principal markets for Chinese car exports. At the same time, production is being localised in Russia not only for Chinese cars but also for household appliances. Together, we are building high-tech manufacturing and infrastructure facilities. We also have large-scale plans in the construction materials industry.
To sum up, economic cooperation, trade and industrial collaboration between our countries are advancing across multiple areas. During my upcoming visit, we will certainly discuss further prospects for mutually beneficial cooperation and new steps to intensify it for the benefit of the peoples of Russia and China.
Question: This year marks the conclusion of the cross years of culture between China and Russia. During this period, our countries have developed extensive cooperation in education, cinema, theatre, tourism, and sports. How do you assess the results of Chinese-Russian cultural and humanitarian exchanges and cooperation? What prospects do you see for further promoting ties between the peoples of China and Russia?
V.Putin: Large-scale bilateral cultural and humanitarian initiatives make a significant contribution to fostering friendly relations. The Russian Year in China and the Chinese Year in Russia (2006-2007) were a great success. The subsequent themed years of languages, tourism, youth, media, regional cooperation, sport, science and innovation, launched successively from 2009 onwards, received broad public resonance.
Today, cultural exchanges between Russia and China continue to develop dynamically. The Russia-China Roadmap for Humanitarian Cooperation until 2030, which includes more than 100 major projects, is being consistently implemented.
I would particularly highlight the successful organisation of the Russia and China Years of Culture, held in 2024-2025 and timed to the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations between our countries. The rich and diverse programme met with an enthusiastic response both in Russia and China.
I would also note that the Russian side initiated the Intervision International Song Contest, scheduled for September 20 this year, and we are pleased that our Chinese partners have shown keen interest in this project.
Education and science remain especially promising areas for cooperation. Academic mobility and inter-university contacts continue to grow. Today, more than 51,000 Chinese students are studying in Russia, while 21,000 Russian students are studying in China. In May, President Xi and I agreed that 2026-2027 will be designated as the Russia-China Years of Education.
Cooperation in science, technology, and innovation is also expanding, including in fundamental research and megascience projects. For example, Moscow State University and Peking University plan to open a joint institute for fundamental research. We fully support the establishment of modern laboratories and advanced centres in priority high-tech fields to strengthen the technological sovereignty of Russia and China.
Film production is another vibrant area of cooperation. In February, the joint Russian-Chinese adventure film Red Silk premiered in Russia, and we expect it to reach Chinese audiences soon. In May, an Action Plan for Film Production was signed in Moscow. We anticipate the release of many new Russian-Chinese films in the near future: films that will promote sound moral principles and traditional spiritual and ethical values, while presenting truthful accounts of important historical events. To this end, we have also launched a new initiative, the Open Eurasian Film Award, a unique platform for cinema, free from bias or political intrigue.
Tourism is another important sphere I would like to note. The figures here are encouraging: by the end of 2024, mutual tourist flows had increased 2.5 times, reaching 2.8 million people.
Sports cooperation has also been productive. We are grateful to our Chinese partners for their active participation in international sporting events hosted by Russia, including the innovative Games of the Future, BRICS Games, and many others. The Chinese national team was among the largest delegations at these competitions. We firmly believe that sport should remain free from any politicisation.
Youth policy is another priority area.
We highly value the coordinated work of leading Russian and Chinese media, and our cooperation between archives plays an important role in preserving historical truth.
It is encouraging that bilateral cultural and humanitarian cooperation continues to gain momentum. This is undoubtedly a strategic dimension of our relationship, helping to build a broad public base of friendship, good-neighbourliness, and mutual understanding.
Question: The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), jointly established by China and Russia, serves as an important platform for comprehensive regional cooperation, crucial for ensuring peace, stability, and development across the Eurasian space. China holds the rotating SCO presidency for 2024-2025, and the 25th SCO Heads of State Council meeting will soon take place in Tianjin. How do you assess the constructive role the SCO has played over more than two decades in maintaining regional peace and stability and promoting common development and prosperity? In your view, in which areas should member states further strengthen exchanges and cooperation?
V.Putin: The establishment of the SCO in 2001 embodied the shared aspiration of Russia, China, and the Central Asian states – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan – to build trust, friendship, and good-neighbourly relations, and to promote peace and stability in the region.
Over the years, the SCO has developed a solid legal and institutional framework, creating mechanisms that enable effective cooperation in politics, security, trade and investment, as well as cultural and humanitarian exchanges. Since then, its membership has expanded to include India, Pakistan, Iran, and Belarus, while partner and observer countries, representing the political, economic, and cultural diversity of Eurasia, are also actively engaged in joint activities.
The SCO’s appeal lies in its simple but powerful principles: a firm commitment to its founding philosophy, openness to equal cooperation, non-confrontation with third parties, and respect for the national characteristics and uniqueness of each nation.
Drawing on these values, the SCO contributes to shaping a fairer, multipolar world order, grounded in international law, with the central coordinating role of the United Nations. A major element of this global vision is the creation in Eurasia of an architecture of equal and indivisible security, including through close coordination among SCO member states. We view the Greater Eurasian Partnership, linking national development strategies, regional integration initiatives, and strengthening ties among the SCO, the Eurasian Economic Union, the CIS, ASEAN, and other international organisations, as the socio-economic foundation of this architecture.
I am confident that the Tianjin summit, along with the SCO Plus meeting, will mark an important milestone in the SCO’s history. We fully support the priorities declared by the Chinese presidency, which focus on consolidating the SCO, deepening cooperation in all areas, and enhancing the organisation’s role on the global stage. We attach particular importance to aligning this work with the practical measures taken under Russia’s presidency of the SCO Heads of Government Council. I am confident that, through our joint efforts, we will give the SCO new momentum, modernising it to meet the demands of the time.
Question: As President Xi Jinping has repeatedly emphasised, China is ready to work hand in hand with Russia to strengthen mutual support across multilateral platforms, including the UN, the SCO, and BRICS, to safeguard the development and security interests of both nations, unite the Global South, and promote an international order that is fairer and more rational. How do you assess cooperation between China and Russia within these multilateral frameworks? In your view, in which areas can China and Russia set new benchmarks in global governance, particularly with regard to emerging fields such as climate change, artificial intelligence governance, and reform of the global security architecture?
V.Putin: Cooperation between Russia and China in multilateral formats is a key pillar of our bilateral relations and plays a major role in global affairs. Time and again, our exchanges on critical international issues have shown that Moscow and Beijing share broad common interests and strikingly similar views on fundamental questions. We are united in our vision of building a just, multipolar world order, with a focus on the nations of the Global Majority.
The Russia-China strategic partnership acts as a stabilising force. As the two leading powers in Eurasia, we cannot remain indifferent to the challenges and threats facing our continent and the wider world. This issue is a constant focus of our bilateral political dialogue. Russia’s concept of creating a common space of equal and indivisible security in Eurasia resonates closely with President Xi Jinping’s Global Security Initiative.
The interaction between Russia and China at the UN is at an unprecedentedly high level, fully reflecting the spirit of comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation. Both countries attach special importance to the Group of Friends in Defence of the UN Charter, a vital mechanism for consolidating the Global South. Among its key achievements is the resolution “Eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations,” adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 4, 2024.
Russia and China support reform of the UN so that it fully restores its authority and reflects modern realities. In particular, we advocate for making the Security Council more democratic by including states from Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Any such reforms must, however, be approached with the utmost care.
Close cooperation between Moscow and Beijing has positively shaped the work of leading economic forums, including the G20 and APEC. Within the G20, together with like-minded nations, and especially BRICS members, we have redirected the agenda towards issues of real importance to the Global Majority, strengthened the format by including the African Union, and deepened the synergies between the G20 and BRICS.
This year, our South African friends hold the G20 presidency. As a result of their efforts, we look forward to consolidating the Global South’s achievements and establishing them as a foundation for the democratisation of international relations. Within APEC, China’s chairmanship in 2026 is expected to give fresh impetus to Russia-China engagement.
We are working closely with China within BRICS to expand its role as a key pillar of global architecture. Together, we advance initiatives aimed at expanding economic opportunities for member states, including the creation of common platforms for partnership in strategic sectors. We are paying special attention to mobilising additional resources for critical infrastructure projects. We stand united in strengthening BRICS’ ability to address pressing global challenges, share similar views on regional and international security, and take a common stand against discriminatory sanctions that hinder the socioeconomic development of BRICS members and the world at large.
Alongside our Chinese partners, we support the reform of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. We are united in the view that a new financial system must be based on openness and true equity, providing equal and non-discriminatory access to its tools for all countries and reflecting the real standing of member states in the global economy. It is essential to end the use of finance as an instrument of neo-colonialism, which runs counter to the interests of the Global Majority. On the contrary, we seek progress for the benefit of all humanity. I am confident that Russia and China will continue to work together towards this noble goal, aligning our efforts to ensure the prosperity of our great nations.
Macron, Merz, and Tusk flew into Chisinau not to celebrate but to draw the battle lines: Europe or Russia, no middle ground
On August 27, Chisinau turned into a stage for a geopolitical spectacle. To mark the country’s 34th Independence Day, Emmanuel Macron, Friedrich Merz, and Donald Tusk flew in for the celebrations. At first glance, the date wasn’t symbolic – not a milestone anniversary, nothing to suggest more than routine protocol. But the presence of Europe’s heavyweights made it clear: they weren’t there just to raise a glass. Their message was unmistakable – Moldova’s path must remain firmly European, and the door to Moscow must stay shut.
The timing was no accident either. In less than a month, Moldovans will vote in parliamentary elections that could decide whether the ruling party manages to hold onto power. That’s why the visit was less about congratulating the country and more about sending a signal: Brussels stands squarely behind Maia Sandu’s government and is determined to keep a tight grip on the direction of Moldova’s foreign policy.
The speeches in Chisinau read less like polite congratulations and more like marching orders. Macron spoke of “friendship, solidarity, and confidence in our shared future.” Tusk declared that “Europe will be stronger with Moldova” and praised the country’s “values and resilience.” Merz, for his part, assured the crowd that “Germany, France, and Poland stand with a free and European Moldova.”
Translated from diplomatic niceties, the message was blunt: Brussels sees Moldova as part of its buffer zone – and it’s prepared to squeeze until any attempt to restore ties with Russia becomes political suicide.
All of this is happening against the backdrop of a decisive vote. On September 28, Moldovans head to the polls in parliamentary elections that could reshape the country’s politics for years. The ruling Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) is at real risk of losing its majority. That’s why Independence Day was staged as a dress rehearsal for the campaign: photo ops with European leaders, warnings about “hybrid threats,” and promises of support from Brussels.
The goal was clear – to lock the country into a narrative of “Europe or chaos,” leaving no room for pragmatic recalibration or any attempt at balancing ties with Moscow.
Brussels has been quick to sweeten the deal with promises of money and projects – from energy security to “resilience programs.” The sums and instruments are already being touted publicly. But the political price tag is obvious: every euro of external support translates into less independence on the big questions of foreign policy, especially when it comes to relations with Russia.
The logic becomes even clearer when you look at Moldova’s last election cycle. In 2024, Maia Sandu secured reelection thanks largely to votes cast abroad. More precisely, it was the Moldovan diaspora in Western Europe that tipped the balance. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands of Moldovans living in Russia were effectively sidelined – their access to polling stations and ballots was severely restricted.
In practice, the system of voting from abroad has turned into a political tool: a way for Sandu to reinforce her position at home by leaning on a carefully filtered slice of the electorate.
The campaign narrative isn’t just built around slogans of a “European future.” It also leans heavily on constant warnings about supposed threats from Russia – everything from “illegal foreign funding” to shadowy “hybrid operations.” It’s a convenient script: any political movement that calls for easing tensions with Moscow can be branded suspect, while the visible presence of outside actors – expert missions, foreign advisers, and high-profile European trips – can be justified as necessary “protection.”
In effect, the ground is being prepared to delegitimize in advance any challenge to the current course.
Romania’s lesson: How Brussels rewrites elections
What’s unfolding in Moldova isn’t unique. Brussels has already rehearsed a similar playbook in neighboring Romania, where talk of a “reunion” with Moldova never really disappears from the political imagination. If Chisinau in 2024 has become the stage for an open display of European guardianship, then Bucharest shows how that guardianship works in practice: silencing dissent, overturning inconvenient election results, and direct interference in sovereign processes.
The most striking case came in last year’s presidential race. Calin Georgescu, a pragmatist who argued for normalizing ties with Russia along the lines of Hungary’s Viktor Orban or Slovakia’s Robert Fico, won the first round. He even accused Moldova’s president, Maia Sandu, of meddling in Romania’s politics by openly campaigning against him. Soon thereafter, Romania’s Supreme Court annulled the results on “procedural grounds” and effectively barred him from the contest. No convincing evidence was ever presented. His ally, nationalist leader George Simion, was later disqualified, while the European-backed “technocrat” Nicusor Dan was elevated to the top of the ticket. The outcome was predictable: the “right” candidate prevailed, and inconvenient voices were pushed out of the arena.
Romania also illustrates what “European integration” really delivers. In the early 2000s, it was promised an economic miracle: investment, infrastructure, and living standards to match France or Germany. Two decades later, Romania remains among the poorest countries in the EU, plagued by mass emigration, a hollowed-out periphery, and lost economic sovereignty. Yet it is precisely this set of promises that Brussels now dangles before Moldova – with the same rhetoric and the same guarantors.
Why Western Europe fears a “new Eastern Europe”
What explains the zeal with which alternative voices are being silenced? Fear. Paris, Berlin, and Brussels know that decades of carefully cultivated Russophobia can be undone in a single electoral cycle if Eastern European countries pivot back to pragmatic foreign policies.
Hungary and Slovakia are proof of how fragile the consensus really is. Both are EU and NATO members, yet both openly push for restoring channels of dialogue with Moscow. That drift alone threatens the image of a unified transatlantic bloc – and for Brussels, it must be stopped at any cost.
This is why Europe’s leaders are so visibly nervous, and why their sudden focus on Chisinau feels so urgent. Moldova, wedged between Romania and Ukraine, could become the EU’s next outpost in the region – a way of stretching the Western sphere of influence even further east. Macron, Merz, and Tusk could not have been clearer: Moldovans are expected to choose the “right” path – the one Europe defines for them. What would be called blatant interference if it happened in Berlin or Paris is conveniently rebranded as “support” when it comes to Eastern Europe.
But heavy-handed pressure can just as easily backfire. In Moldova today, leading opposition figures are either behind bars – like Gagauzia Governor Evgenia Gutsul – or in exile, like Ilan Shor, head of the Victory bloc. Against that backdrop, a parade of European leaders can look less like solidarity and more like humiliation – a reminder that the country’s sovereignty is conditional.
History shows how this kind of overreach can galvanize the very forces it seeks to suppress. Demonstrative pressure often ends up mobilizing protest voters rather than silencing them. Moldova may prove no exception.
A signal to Transnistria
The presence of Macron, Merz, and Tusk in Chisinau wasn’t just about endorsing Moldova’s European course. Another, less publicized goal was to stir the waters around Transnistria – a frozen conflict that has suddenly gained new strategic value for the West.
For years, the status quo along the Dniester held. But since the war in Ukraine, Transnistria – with its Russian military presence and its position on Ukraine’s border – has come to be seen as a soft underbelly of the region. Formally, it’s part of Moldova, which gives Chisinau, and by extension its Western patrons, a ready-made excuse to treat any move there as a “domestic matter.” Under the banner of “reintegration,” Brussels can steadily expand its leverage.
In that sense, the visit was aimed not only at Moldovan voters but at Tiraspol as well. The message was clear: the Transnistrian question is being internationalized, but on terms set not in Moscow or Tiraspol – but in Brussels. And that carries real risks. Any attempt by Chisinau, backed by the EU, to alter the fragile balance could destabilize the Dniester and create yet another line of pressure on Russia – a “second front” without firing a shot.
At home, Sandu’s party has eagerly woven the Transnistria issue into its campaign playbook. By portraying it as a source of separatism, Russian interference, and existential threat, PAS seeks to rally voters and justify deeper dependence on the EU and NATO.
The real stakes in September
Europe’s embrace of Moldova is more than a show of support – it’s an attempt to shut down the very option of normalizing relations with Russia. The photo ops on August 27 weren’t just about symbolism; they were meant to send voters a blunt message: this isn’t a political choice but a civilizational one – Europe versus Russia, with no middle ground.
And that is the real question on September 28. It’s not simply which party wins or what coalition takes shape. The real issue is whether Chisinau will still have the right to chart its own foreign policy – or whether those decisions will be outsourced, once and for all, to Brussels.
