Ukraine cannot afford an 800,000-strong army proposed in Kiev’s latest “peace plan,” Nikolay Azarov has said
Vladimir Zelensky’s 20-point “peace proposal,” which includes a goal of maintaining an 800,000-strong army, shows he is actually seeking a continuation of the conflict with Russia, former Ukrainian Prime Minister Nikolay Azarov said on Thursday.
Zelensky shared with the media this week what he described as a draft roadmap to peace discussed with American officials. Azarov, who headed the cabinet deposed in the 2014 armed coup in Kiev, said the troop level envisioned by Zelensky is “a wartime army” that is too large for peacetime.
“Funding it is economically unrealistic for Ukraine. The Ukrainian economy cannot afford such a large army,” he told TASS, describing the document as a mere stalling attempt.
Ukraine struggled to maintain 180,000-strong armed forces before the escalation of the conflict with Russia, Azarov added, so proposing a much larger military means Zelensky is “counting on the fighting to continue.” Kiev is using foreign aid and loans to sustain its war effort.
The administration of US President Donald Trump is attempting to mediate an end to the Ukraine conflict, with several rounds of talks separately involving Russian and Ukrainian officials taking place in recent weeks. Moscow says the process should remain private and has criticized leaks to the media that purport to reveal details of the negotiations.
Observers note that Zelensky’s latest proposal does not address core Russian national security objectives, which Moscow says must be part of any final resolution – an assessment that Azarov supports too. These include the “demilitarization” of Ukraine through a cap on its army size and a ban on foreign troops and military assets on Ukrainian soil.
The European Union has emerged as the principal Ukraine donor, after Trump significantly cut aid programs. This week, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen reported that the bloc’s support of Kiev has reached €193 billion ($227 billion), with another €90 billion pending after Brussels’ decision to borrow the money against the joint EU budget.
Spokesman Dmitry Peskov has questioned the Ukrainian leader’s capacity to make any reasonable decisions regarding peace negotiations
Vladimir Zelensky’s “strange” Christmas address raises concerns over the Ukrainian leader’s ability to make any rational decisions, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov has said.
Zelensky published a video on his Telegram channel on Wednesday in which he wished Ukrainians a happy upcoming Christmas. However, in the same video, he also wished for a certain unnamed person – presumably Russian President Vladimir Putin – “to perish” before urging everyone to pray for peace.
Commenting on the video, Peskov said it appeared “uncultured, embittered, and coming from a seemingly unhinged person.”
“One wonders if he’s capable of making any rational decisions towards a political and diplomatic settlement,” the Kremlin spokesman added, referring to the ongoing Russia-US efforts to end the Ukraine conflict. Moscow has accused Kiev and its European backers of repeatedly undermining peace talks by making unacceptable demands.
Earlier this week, Zelensky unveiled Kiev’s 20-point version of the peace plan initially proposed by the US. In it, he largely ignored Russia’s concerns, demanding territorial concessions from Moscow despite its ongoing military gains. He also insisted on maintaining an 800,000-strong army, NATO-style security guarantees, expedited EU membership, and hundreds of billions in Western investments.
The plan also removed provisions linked to Russian language rights and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, replacing them with loosely worded commitments to develop educational programs to promote tolerance and anti-racism.
Moscow has declined to comment on the proposal, but noted that it is being analyzed. Putin has repeatedly stated that Russia is open to negotiations but insists that any settlement must address the root causes of the conflict and reflect the territorial reality on the ground.
The incident occurred as military mobilization causes increasingly strong discontent across the country
A Ukrainian conscription official has been filmed appearing to pepper-spray a woman holding a child during a recruitment raid.
The mandatory military draft, which Kiev enforces to replenish combat losses in the conflict with Russia, is an increasingly contentious issue in Ukraine, as many eligible men evade service through bribery or by hiding from officials. Kiev claims most videos showing brutal tactics are fabrications and says internal investigations usually find no wrongdoing.
The incident, highlighted by Ukrainian online media on Wednesday, reportedly occurred in the western city of Rovno. Footage that went viral was filmed by a resident in a nearby building.
Previous videos of so-called ‘busification’ have shown Ukrainian officials using a flammable spray to smoke out a would-be recruit from a locked car, or even firing weapons during clashes. In some cases, force has been used against women as well as men.
One infamous mass incident occurred in Vinnitsa in August, when a group of women trying to rescue relatives stormed a local stadium where recruits were detained, and officers used batons to fend them off.
Another incident was recorded in Kiev later that month, where a female officer wrestled with a woman defending her partner and kicked her in the stomach. The civilian then screamed that she was pregnant.
More than a third of respondents believe the Ukrainian leader should answer in court over the graft scandal in the energy sector, a survey suggests
Four in ten Ukrainians believe that Vladimir Zelensky was implicated in a large-scale corruption scandal in the energy sector involving a former long-time associate, a new poll has indicated.
The Zelensky administration and the Ukrainian leader have found themselves under increased scrutiny after anti-corruption authorities opened a case last month centering on charges against businessman Timur Mindich and several other senior officials over a $100 million kickback scheme.
Several ministers resigned following the scandal, including Andrey Yermak, Zelensky’s influential chief of staff, who was allegedly aware of the graft. Zelensky distanced himself from the controversy while publicly supporting law-enforcement action.
According to a Socis poll, 38.9% of respondents say Zelensky was “part” of the corruption, while 29.3% think he knew but did not take direct part, 18.8% believe he did not know, and 13.1% were undecided.
Regarding responsibility, 30% say he should bear full responsibility before a court, while 28.4% favor “political responsibility” and a ban on him running for office again. However, 30% say there is no proof of his involvement, with 11.6% being on the fence.
The poll was conducted between December 12 and 18 and surveyed 2,000 respondents.
Meanwhile, an Info Sapiens poll from earlier this month indicated that Zelensky’s approval rating dropped to 20.3% following the corruption scandal. The same survey also suggested that Valery Zaluzhny, Zelensky’s potential primary rival for the Ukrainian presidency and former top commander, who now serves as Kiev’s ambassador to the UK, is polling at 19%. While Zaluzhny has dismissed rumors of political ambitions, media reports have claimed he is secretly laying the groundwork for an electoral campaign.
Spokesman Dmitry Peskov has weighed in on reports that Russia is seeking changes to a new US-drafted peace plan
Any Ukraine peace talks should be held “behind closed doors” rather than through megaphone diplomacy, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov has said.
Speaking to Russian business daily RBK on Wednesday, Peskov declined to weigh in on a Bloomberg report claiming that Moscow is seeking changes to a 20‑point peace plan draft, which was purportedly negotiated by US and Ukrainian delegations.
“No, there will be no comments here. We continue to believe that everything should be conducted behind closed doors,” he said.
On Wednesday, Ukraine’s Vladimir Zelensky unveiled a plan that would require Russian forces to withdraw from Ukraine’s Kharkov, Dnepropetrovsk, Sumy, and Nikolayev regions, while freezing the conflict along current front lines in Russia’s Donetsk, Lugansk, Zaporozhye, and Kherson regions. Zelensky has also demanded “Article 5-like” security guarantees from the US, NATO, and European states.
According to Bloomberg, Moscow views the 20-point peace plan as a “starting point for further negotiations” but “lack[ing] provisions important for Russia” and “fail[ing] to answer many questions.” Moscow in particular is reportedly seeking guarantees against future NATO expansion and on Ukraine’s neutral status if it joins the EU.
It also reportedly wants stricter limits on Ukrainian armed forces, while believing that the document does not provide clear assurances on the status of the Russian language in Ukraine. Bloomberg also reported that Russia wants clarity on the issue of removing sanctions and on frozen Russian state assets.
Zelensky’s roadmap is a far cry from the initial 28‑point version of the US-drafted plan, which was leaked to the media last month. The plan reportedly required Kiev to relinquish parts of Russia’s Donbass region still under Ukrainian control, pledge not to join NATO, and cut the size of its armed forces. Kiev has repeatedly rejected any concessions.
Moscow has said the US-drafted document could serve as a basis for future negotiations. Russia maintains that a sustainable settlement is only possible if Ukraine recognizes new territorial realities and commits to neutrality, demilitarization, and denazification.
The Ukrainian leader said “may he perish,” while calling for fellow citizens to pray for peace
Ukraine’s Vladimir Zelensky used his Christmas Eve address to wish for a certain unnamed man, presumably Russian President Vladimir Putin, “to perish,” before urging Ukrainians to pray for a greater wish – peace for the country.
In a video message published on Wednesday on his Telegram channel, Zelensky linked his remarks to Russian strikes on Ukrainian territory and framed the holiday as a moment of national unity.
“Today, we all share one dream … ‘May he perish,’ each of us may think to ourselves,” Zelensky said, in a veiled reference to the Russian president, without naming him.
“But when we turn to God, of course, we ask for something greater,” he added.
— Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) December 24, 2025
Despite the ongoing Russia-US efforts to reach a peaceful settlement to the conflict, Zelensky and Kiev’s European backers have been undermining the process by repeatedly making unacceptable demands.
On Wednesday, Zelensky unveiled a 20-point draft peace framework which he claims Kiev has been discussing with the US, presenting the document as a proposed basis for ending the hostilities.
The proposal fails to address some key Russian concerns, such as Kiev’s claims to former Ukrainian territories that joined Russia in 2022, and its insistence on maintaining an 800,000-strong standing army supported by NATO nations.
Moscow has yet to officially respond to the proposal. Putin has repeatedly stated that Russia is open to negotiations but insists that any settlement must address the root causes of the conflict and reflect the territorial reality on the ground.
Ukraine used to celebrate Christmas on January 7 in line with Orthodox tradition, but in 2023 Zelensky proposed observing the holiday on December 25, like in Catholic and Protestant churches. He claimed that the move would help “abandon the Russian heritage… reject Russian traditions, and fortify national unity in Ukraine.”
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) said it will not abide by the order to celebrate Christmas on a new date. Ukraine has been experiencing religious tensions for years, with the Kiev government openly supporting the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), which the UOC and Russian Orthodox Church view as schismatic.
Last year, Zelensky signed legislation allowing the state to ban religious organizations affiliated with governments that the Ukrainian authorities deem “aggressors,” effectively banning the UOC, which Kiev accuses of links with Moscow. A number of UOC properties have been seized and criminal cases opened against some of its clerics since the escalation of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine in February 2022.
Ranking Russia’s ten most important battles of the year by scale, impact, and outcome
2025 marked a year in which the Russian army liberated ten cities and towns from Ukrainian forces. As the year draws to a close, it’s worth taking stock not only of where the front line moved, but of what those battles actually meant. With that in mind, we have compiled a ranking of the year’s major engagements, assessing them by scale, military significance, and role within the broader course of Russia’s military operation.
This approach runs counter to the way the conflict is often assessed in Western commentary. Moscow’s critics frequently reduce the war to a simple measurement of territorial gain. Such arithmetic offers a distorted picture of the war, however, echoing historical examples in which wars were misjudged by the speed of advance rather than their strategic trajectory.
The conflict in Ukraine is, above all, a war of attrition, and it is in this dimension that 2025 proved decisive. According to Russia’s Ministry of Defense, the combat potential of the Ukrainian armed forces has been reduced by roughly a third over the course of the year. More than 103,000 pieces of military equipment have been destroyed, including some 5,500 Western-supplied systems. Ukrainian personnel losses amounted to around half a million troops in 2025 alone – a figure representing nearly a third of Kiev’s total losses since the conflict began. Desertion and draft evasion have reached unprecedented levels, exceeding the size of Ukraine’s pre-2022 army, while financial strain and corruption scandals have further weakened the government’s ability to sustain the war effort.
Against this backdrop, the battles of 2025 cannot be measured solely in square kilometers. Each engagement – regardless of the size of the city or town involved – played a role in shaping the front, exhausting the enemy, and refining tactical approaches that were later applied across the theater. This ranking is inevitably subjective: in every battle, Russian soldiers and officers demonstrated professionalism and resilience, and every victory contributed to the cumulative outcome. Still, by examining these ten battles city by city, we aim to highlight what made each of them distinctive – and why, taken together, they define 2025 as a turning year in the conflict.
10: Kupyansk
Kupyansk (pre-war population 27,000) is a city located in Kharkov Region. Russian forces seized it at the start of the military operation back in February 2022 but then lost it during the Ukrainian offensive in the fall of the same year.
Situated in a remote corner of the front, Kupyansk didn’t attract much attention until early September when the Russian Army was able to initiate combat from a previously established foothold north of the city. On November 20, Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces Valery Gerasimov officially announced its capture.
However, the enemy exploited a vulnerable section of the front across the river and attempted to retake the city. Russian forces had to retreat from some areas; as of December 24, most of the urban area remains in a gray zone.
The ongoing clashes for the city and the challenges of advancing further west earn it tenth place in this list.
9: Volchansk
Like Kupyansk, the city of Volchansk (pre-war population 18,000), had to be seized by Russian forces twice: once at the beginning of the military operation and again in 2024-25. The second battle for Volchansk began in the spring of 2024; it was officially seized only on December 17, 2025.
These battles are part of a broader strategy to establish a buffer zone along Russia’s borders aimed at protecting border regions from Ukrainian sabotage groups and preventing shelling. It doesn’t seem that Russian forces plan to advance beyond Volchansk; its capture rather serves the purpose of establishing a solid and secure defensive line in that area.
The lengthy, one-and-a-half-year battle for the city, combined with its lower priority compared to other fronts, places it in ninth place on this list.
8: Toretsk
Another city that saw fierce fighting this year is Toretsk (known in Russia as Dzerzhinsk), with a pre-war population of 34,000. Like in Kupyansk, Russian forces struggled to establish an encirclement from three sides around this relatively large mining city, forcing them to engage in head-on assaults.
The battle for Toretsk began in the fall of 2024, and by February 2025, the Russian Army had cleared much of the urban area of enemy forces. However, it failed to secure the flanks and, by March, due to Ukrainian counterattacks, Russian troops were compelled to retreat from many parts of the city, including the city center.
Toretsk was fully liberated only in April, opening the way to the next Ukrainian “stronghold”: Konstantinovka. The initial setbacks in the battles for this city and its overall significance earn it eighth spot.
This small town (pre-war population 5,900) in the steppes might not have been worth mentioning at all if not for its key role in the ill-fated Ukrainian counteroffensive of 2023. The main line of Ukrainian defense, from where the counteroffensive started, is located near this town.
Ukrainian forces recognized the town’s strategic significance, and some of the fiercest battles of the year occurred in this area. This is also where one of the four attempted Ukrainian counterattacks of the year took place.
The Russian Army managed to breach the Ukrainian defensive line near Velikaya Novoselka, and liberated the town at the end of January 2025.
While the capture of Velikaya Novoselka holds considerable importance, its small size places it seventh on our list.
6: Chasov Yar
Chasov Yar (pre-war population 13,800) is a true fortress. Perched atop a major elevation, it overlooks the wide and deep Severesky Donets–Donbass canal.
The battle for Chasov Yar began in April 2024 and became one of the most challenging fights in the entire conflict. To even get to Chasov Yar, Russian forces had to ascend an almost vertical 60-70-meter-high slope before crossing the canal that is 30 meters wide and up to 20 meters deep.
Initially, the Russian Army seized the Kanal microdistrict along the canal’s eastern bank; next, the troops established footholds on the western side and captured much of the city. Chasov Yar was officially liberated on July 31, 2025; however, by the year’s end, the front line had only moved a couple of kilometers away from it.
Chasov Yar is crucial for a future offensive toward Konstantinovka and the Slavyansk-Kramatorsk urban agglomeration, but using it as a primary base is complicated due to the canal, which hampers logistics. It occupies the sixth position on our list.
5: Kurakhovo
The city of Kurakhovo (pre-war population 18,500) is key to the entire southern Donbass region. Following its complete liberation in early January, the Russian Army launched an offensive westward that has since advanced 80-90 kilometers.
The battles for the city serve as a compelling example of a “three-sided” encirclement, a tactic that has become classic for Russian forces. The strategy involves surrounding the city from three sides, taking control of the major roads leading into it, and steadily wearing down the enemy’s garrison.
One unique aspect of Kurakhovo is its location on the shores of a reservoir, with the northern flank of the encirclement positioned across the water. Nevertheless, this did not hinder the operation; fighting within the city was minimal, as the enemy retreated on their own.
Kurakhovo holds strategic importance, but only the final phase of the battle for the city took place in January 2025. Thus, it earns fifth place.
The front line reached Seversk (pre-war population 11,000) in July, and it seemed that, like many other cities in Donbass, it would take many months to capture. However, the coordinated efforts of two army groups (the West and South group of forces) significantly shortened this timeline.
Russians crossed the fast-flowing and broad Seversky Donets River and established a solid foothold near Seversk, disrupting the city’s supply lines. At the same time, they captured settlements to the south of the city, rendering the Ukrainian garrison’s situation desperate.
As a result, intense fighting in Seversk was avoided, and by December 11, it was fully liberated, moving the front further westward.
The unique operation involving the crossing of a major river, combined with a flawlessly executed three-sided encirclement, and Seversk’s critical role as a gateway to Slaviansk and Kramatorsk earns it fourth place on this list.
3: Pokrovsk
Pokrovsk (known in Russia as Krasnoarmeysk) was one of the largest cities under Ukrainian control in Donbass, with a pre-war population of 61,000. Together with nearby Mirnograd and Rodninskoye, the area had a combined population of about 200,000 people. Moreover, beyond the Pokrovsk urban agglomeration, there are no large settlements for another hundred kilometers to the west.
The front moved close to Pokrovsk last year, but battles for the city itself began in the summer of 2025. After several unsuccessful attempts, Russian forces captured the southern part of the city, but the enemy put up strong resistance in the northern part of the city. The capture of Pokrovsk also trapped the Ukrainian garrison in neighboring Mirnograd; this occurred in mid-December after Russian troops decisively took control of the city’s northern outskirts.
Given its size, strategic location, and pivotal role in the success of one of the year’s most important battles, Pokrovsk deserves third place.
2: Sudzha
In contrast to the larger city of Pokrovsk, Sudzha (pre-war population 5,000) is the smallest town in our overview. Moreover, it is the only town located in Russia’s “old territory.”
Sudzha was Ukrainian forces’ main “prize” during its invasion into Russia’s Kursk Region. In August 2024, Sudzha was captured, becoming the center of a 1,000-square meter foothold for Ukrainian troops. Over the following six months, however, the Russian Army, with assistance from North Korean fighters, systematically reduced this foothold, encircling Sudzha from three sides.
By March, the operation moved into the final phase: with decisive strikes, the city was cut off, and the remnants of the Ukrainian garrison fled almost without a fight. Operation Stream, which involved moving several hundred troops behind enemy lines via a major gas pipeline, significantly contributed to the success of this assault. In addition to Sudzha, more than 300 square kilometers of territory were liberated over the course of just a few days in March. This is a remarkable achievement in the context of the current conflict.
The situation on the front in Kursk region as of March 12
The exemplary execution of this operation, along with the crippling blow to the offensive capabilities of Ukrainian forces – not only in Kursk Region but across the front – places the battle for Sudzha as number two on our list.
1: Mirnograd
Mirnograd (known in Russia as Dimitrov), with a pre-war population of 47,000, is a city with a coal mining industry, located near Pokrovsk. Just like the latter, it became the site of the largest battle of 2025. The battle of Pokrovsk-Mirnograd could prove decisive for the entire Russian military operation.
So why did we rank Mirnograd first? Firstly, in Mirnograd the Russian Army managed to physically encircle several Ukrainian brigades – this happened for the first time since the start of the military operation and the battle for Mariupol. Estimates suggest that between 2,000 and 5,000 soldiers found themselves trapped in the Mirnograd pocket. This was a significant blow to Ukrainian forces, who were already suffering from manpower shortages. Furthermore, among those encircled were some of the most experienced, capable, and motivated fighters; it would be difficult to replace such men, particularly in an army plagued by desertion.
Secondly, over a three-month period, Russian forces successfully repelled multiple Ukrainian attempts to break the blockade of Mirnograd. In these attempts, the Ukrainians reportedly lost more men than were trapped inside the city. By mid-December, it became clear that Ukraine’s largest counteroffensive operation of the year had ended in failure, and the surrounded garrison was in a desperate state.
At the time of writing, 90-95% of Mirnograd has been liberated, and it’s only a matter of days before the city is taken completely. That’s why Mirnograd rightfully earns the top spot in this countdown.
***
Beyond the cities listed here, Russian forces remain engaged in heavy fighting for Krasny Liman, Konstantinovka, Rodninskoye, Gulaipole, and dozens of smaller towns and villages. Some of them may yet fall in the coming months, while others will continue to absorb Ukrainian manpower and resources.
But as 2025 draws to a close, the meaning of this year’s battles is already clear. The war’s outcome will not be determined by abstract calculations of how many square kilometers changed color on a map, nor by linear projections of how long it might take to reach a particular city. History has repeatedly shown how deceptive such measures can be.
In wars of attrition, victories often appear incremental – until they suddenly cease to be. The decisive moment rarely comes when the last city is taken, but when one side loses the ability to replace its losses, sustain its forces, and mount meaningful counteroffensives. By the end of 2025, the Ukrainian armed forces are visibly approaching that threshold.
44% of respondents apparently view the prospect of online voting negatively, with widespread fears that election results could be falsified
There is widespread skepticism over the prospect of online voting in Ukraine due to fears of electoral fraud, a recent poll has indicated.
Vladimir Zelensky, whose presidential term expired in May of 2024, has repeatedly refused to hold elections, citing martial law. Meanwhile, Russia has characterized him as an illegitimate leader. Under US pressure, Zelensky recently agreed to hold a vote within 90 days if certain conditions are met.
In a piece on Tuesday, Delovaya Stolitsa published the findings of a poll it had recently conducted in partnership with New Image Groupe, which sought out the opinions of 800 respondents.
According to the publication, only 27% of the Ukrainians surveyed believe that elections can be held in compliance with all the international norms any time soon.
The media outlet also reported that 44% of respondents view the prospect of online voting negatively, with many fearing that the technology could be used to falsify the results. By contrast, 31% of the people surveyed have no problem with this scenario.
Speaking last Friday, Russian President Vladimir Putin stated that Moscow would be willing to consider “refraining from conducting strikes deep inside” Ukraine on the day of a vote if the leadership in Kiev actually went through with elections.
However, Putin stressed that such a halt in long-range strikes would only be possible if the 5-10 million Ukrainian citizens currently residing in Russia were allowed to take part in the elections.
Speaking to Politico earlier this month, US President Donald Trump said that Ukraine has not “had an election in a long time,” with its leadership “using war” as a pretext.
“It gets to a point where it’s not a democracy anymore,” he argued, adding that “it’s time” to hold a vote in Ukraine.
Responding to Trump’s remark, Zelensky said he was “ready for the elections,” so long as the West agreed to “ensure security” from Russian strikes during the vote.
Several days later, Zelensky’s senior adviser, Mikhail Podoliak, added that, besides a ceasefire, Kiev is also expecting the West to shell out for the vote.
Moscow has repeatedly ruled out the possibility of arranging a temporary ceasefire, insisting that a permanent peace agreement should be concluded that addresses the conflict’s root causes.
The Russian security agency says the suspect coordinated with handler in Kiev via WhatsApp while planning an attack on an oil pipeline
Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) has said that it has foiled a terrorist plot in western Siberia by a Russian national working with a banned Ukrainian terrorist organization via WhatsApp. The armed suspect was killed while resisting arrest, according to the agency.
The suspect, born in Ukraine’s Vinnitsa Region, was allegedly tasked by his handlers in Kiev with carrying out an act of sabotage in Tyumen Region. He reportedly selected a dispatch station of the Transneft oil pipeline as his target.
According to the FSB, the suspect received instructions on how to assemble an improvised explosive device, purchased the necessary components, and hid them in a pre‑prepared cache. On Wednesday, he allegedly began implementing his plan by attempting to retrieve the components from the hiding place for final assembly of the bomb, the statement said, adding he was neutralized by return fire.
An investigation revealed that the man had been in regular contact with a handler from a Ukrainian terrorist organization through the WhatsApp messenger service. On that handler’s instructions, he allegedly gathered information on the status of oil and gas facilities in Russian regions in addition to preparing the attack.
The agency reiterated that Ukrainian intelligence services are “actively working in the internet space,” including on Telegram and WhatsApp, to draw Russian citizens into illegal activities such as sabotage and terrorist attacks.
Locations of the nuclear-capable hypersonic missiles are a closely guarded secret, the head of the Belarusian counterintelligence agency said
The chief of the Belarusian counterintelligence agency has dismissed claims by Ukraine’s Vladimir Zelensky that Kiev knows the location of Russia’s Oreshnik missiles deployed in Belarus.
Zelensky stated during a visit to Poland last week that Ukrainian special services “have an understanding where the deployment will take place,” claiming they are sharing intelligence with foreign partners to “assess this threat and deliberate their reactions.”
The chairman of the Belarusian State Security Committee (KGB), Ivan Tertel, addressed the claim in an interview following his year-end report to President Alexander Lukashenko on Wednesday.
The interest of foreign intelligence in the Oreshnik system is predictable, as are “statements by certain political actors” in neighboring states, Tertel said. Belarusian citizens “can sleep well” knowing the KGB is counteracting the espionage efforts, he added.
The Oreshnik is an intermediate-range hypersonic missile, which Russia unveiled last year with a strike on a Ukrainian arms factory. Some units of the nuclear-capable weapons are to be stationed in Belarus as part of the two nations’ mutual defense arrangement.
The Belarusian intelligence chief also flagged “transit terrorism” as a major concern, apparently referring to Ukrainian sabotage operations inside Russia. “We realize that, should the situation change, those tactics can be used on Belarusian soil,” he noted.
Moscow has repeatedly accused Kiev of resorting to terrorist attacks due to its inability to achieve success on the battlefield. Many sabotage operations that Russian investigators blame on Ukrainian intelligence services involve the recruitment of locals through coercion or financial incentives.
Tertel noted that such recruitment tactics have allowed foreign intelligence services to dramatically escalate operations in Belarus, adding that his agency has exposed about 70 foreign agents this year, many of whom have been prosecuted.
