Latvia could follow Denmark’s lead with a plan to start drafting females by 2028
Latvia is preparing to extend compulsory military service to women, aligning with other NATO members expanding their forces in response to what they describe as a Russian threat – a claim Moscow denies.
Defense Minister Andris Spruds told Delfi TV on Wednesday that his party, the Progressives, will submit a proposal next year requiring both men and women to serve in the military from 2028. He noted that female-specific equipment is already being introduced in the National Armed Forces to prepare for the change.
Currently, only men are conscripted under mandatory service Riga reintroduced in 2023, after previously scrapping the draft in 2006.
Latvia reportedly plans to more than double the size of its military to 31,000 troops by 2028, up from around 15,000 in 2021.
If adopted, Latvia would follow Denmark, which announced in March that it will begin drafting women from 2026. At the time, Copenhagen said the move would ensure “gender equality” in its armed forces and help meet NATO commitments.
Since the escalation of the Ukraine conflict in 2022, Western officials have claimed that Russia could target EU states next. Earlier this year, Brussels launched a frenzied military expansion campaign, while European NATO members agreed to boost armed forces spending to 5% of GDP, citing the presumed “Russian threat.”
The Kremlin has consistently dismissed allegations of hostile intent toward Western nations as “nonsense” and fearmongering and condemned what it calls the West’s “reckless militarization.”
Moscow has also criticized Western arms deliveries to Ukraine, arguing they only serve to prolong the fighting and cause unnecessary casualties without changing the outcome of the conflict.
Last month, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said Western European leaders were “trying to prepare Europe for war – not some hybrid war, but a real war against Russia.” He accused the EU of sliding into what he described as a “Fourth Reich,” marked by a surge in Russophobia and aggressive militarization.
China has showcased advanced laser weapons and new missiles. Why do these frighten the US?
On Wednesday, China hosted a parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of the Second World War. The event in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square demonstrated cutting-edge innovations developed by China’s military-industrial complex, with lessons learned from contemporary military conflicts.
Vasily Kashin, director of the Center for Comprehensive European and International Studies at the National Research University Higher School of Economics in Moscow, noted that China does not hold annual parades, making this week’s event particularly significant.
“This parade is quite different from the Chinese parades of the last 15 years. It’s designed to show a new level of military strength, and may signal changes in China’s doctrinal documents,” he said.
The parade featured new armored vehicles, laser weapons, and missiles that could play a crucial role in a potential conflict with the US.
Transporter erector launchers with DF-61 intercontinental missiles
Despite the fact that the rehearsals for the parade drew increased attention, the Chinese military managed to surprise foreign observers. Transporter erector launchers (TEL) equipped with DF-61 intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) were showcased for the first time ever during the military parade.
Details about the system, which is mounted on an eight-axle chassis, were not disclosed. The DF-61 falls into the same category as Russia’s Yars TEL. These systems can launch missiles from anywhere along their patrol route, and can be deployed in just minutes. The DF-61 may be an advancement of the DF-41 TEL which was unveiled during a 2019 parade. The DF-41 is believed to have a range of 12,000 to 15,000km and can carry up to ten warheads.
Additionally, a new variant of the DF-31 ICBM, called DF-31BJ, was revealed in Beijing. The DF-31A variant is known to have a range of over 13,000km.
JL-3 missile
The parade also showcased the JL-3 intercontinental submarine-launched ballistic missile.
Type 094 “Jin” class strategic nuclear submarines can carry up to 12 such missiles.
As Brandon J. Weichert wrote in his article for The National Interest, this new missile would enable China to strike the US from safe coastal waters.
“With an intercontinental range and multiple warhead capabilities, the JL-3 positions China as a formidable rival to the United States and its allies as the balance of military power in the Indo-Pacific shifts in China’s favor,” Weichert wrote.
DF-5 missile with global reach
Beijing has unveiled a new variant of its DF-5 ICBM, known as the DF-5C. During the parade, it was stated that the missile has global reach. This could imply that is equipped with an orbital warhead.
The original liquid-fueled DF-5 entered service in 1971, while the upgraded DF-5B boasts an increased payload capacity of 5,000kg along with advanced technologies allowing it to bypass conventional air defense systems.
According to reports, the missile was tested in 2017. It is believed to feature a multiple independently targetable reentry vehicle (MIRV) system with up to 12 guided warheads.
An analogue of Russia’s Kinzhal missile
New JL-1 air-launched ballistic missiles were also unveiled in Beijing. According to the description, they resemble Russia’s Kinzhal missiles and are released after the aircraft reaches a predetermined altitude and speed.
CJ-1000 hypersonic long-range cruise missile launchers were likewise on display, while the public could also see YJ-18C long-range cruise missiles currently in service with the People’s Liberation Army Navy and CJ-20A missiles used by China’s Air Force.
During parade rehearsals, observers spotted new armored vehicles – a ZTZ-201 tank and a tank support combat vehicle. According to parade announcers, both vehicles are classified as “Type 100.”
These vehicles share a common tracked chassis with a hybrid powertrain. Modern reactive armor and an active defense system featuring radar and optical sensors provide enhanced protection. The tank is equipped with a 105mm turret, believed to perform comparably to 120mm cannons, and includes a remotely operated machine gun module.
The tank support combat vehicle features a combat module with an automatic cannon and is equipped with a reconnaissance drone. Two pilots positioned at the rear of the vehicle can control the drone. The vehicle’s drivers are equipped with augmented reality glasses.
Laser missile defense systems
China’s defense industry has developed several laser systems for air defense and missile interception. During the parade, LY-1 naval laser systems were displayed on wheeled platforms. Additionally, two other laser systems mounted on a four-axle truck and a three-axle armored vehicle were showcased. These are likely designed for the ground forces of the People’s Liberation Army.
Several countries, including Russia, the UK, and the US, are currently developing laser-based air defense systems. These offer a more cost-effective alternative to intercepting threats with expensive missiles, particularly when it comes to defending against swarms of inexpensive kamikaze drones. In August, a video surfaced showing a Russian laser weapon successfully intercepting a Ukrainian FP-1 kamikaze drone, causing it to explode upon contact.
China has showcased advanced laser weapons and new missiles. Why do these frighten the US?
On Wednesday, China hosted a parade marking the 80th anniversary of victory over Japan and the end of the Second World War. The event in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square demonstrated cutting-edge innovations developed by China’s military-industrial complex, with lessons learned from contemporary military conflicts.
Vasily Kashin, director of the Center for Comprehensive European and International Studies at the National Research University Higher School of Economics in Moscow, noted that China does not hold annual parades, making this week’s event particularly significant.
“This parade is quite different from the Chinese parades of the last 15 years. It’s designed to show a new level of military strength, and may signal changes in China’s doctrinal documents,” he said.
The parade featured new armored vehicles, laser weapons, and missiles that could play a crucial role in a potential conflict with the US.
Transporter erector launchers with DF-61 intercontinental missiles
Despite the fact that the rehearsals for the parade drew increased attention, the Chinese military managed to surprise foreign observers. Transporter erector launchers (TEL) equipped with DF-61 intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) were showcased for the first time ever during the military parade.
Details about the system, which is mounted on an eight-axle chassis, were not disclosed. The DF-61 falls into the same category as Russia’s Yars TEL. These systems can launch missiles from anywhere along their patrol route, and can be deployed in just minutes. The DF-61 may be an advancement of the DF-41 TEL which was unveiled during a 2019 parade. The DF-41 is believed to have a range of 12,000 to 15,000km and can carry up to ten warheads.
Additionally, a new variant of the DF-31 ICBM, called DF-31BJ, was revealed in Beijing. The DF-31A variant is known to have a range of over 13,000km.
JL-3 missile
The parade also showcased the JL-3 intercontinental submarine-launched ballistic missile.
Type 094 “Jin” class strategic nuclear submarines can carry up to 12 such missiles.
As Brandon J. Weichert wrote in his article for The National Interest, this new missile would enable China to strike the US from safe coastal waters.
“With an intercontinental range and multiple warhead capabilities, the JL-3 positions China as a formidable rival to the United States and its allies as the balance of military power in the Indo-Pacific shifts in China’s favor,” Weichert wrote.
DF-5 missile with global reach
Beijing has unveiled a new variant of its DF-5 ICBM, known as the DF-5C. During the parade, it was stated that the missile has global reach. This could imply that is equipped with an orbital warhead.
The original liquid-fueled DF-5 entered service in 1971, while the upgraded DF-5B boasts an increased payload capacity of 5,000kg along with advanced technologies allowing it to bypass conventional air defense systems.
According to reports, the missile was tested in 2017. It is believed to feature a multiple independently targetable reentry vehicle (MIRV) system with up to 12 guided warheads.
An analogue of Russia’s Kinzhal missile
New JL-1 air-launched ballistic missiles were also unveiled in Beijing. According to the description, they resemble Russia’s Kinzhal missiles and are released after the aircraft reaches a predetermined altitude and speed.
CJ-1000 hypersonic long-range cruise missile launchers were likewise on display, while the public could also see YJ-18C long-range cruise missiles currently in service with the People’s Liberation Army Navy and CJ-20A missiles used by China’s Air Force.
During parade rehearsals, observers spotted new armored vehicles – a ZTZ-201 tank and a tank support combat vehicle. According to parade announcers, both vehicles are classified as “Type 100.”
These vehicles share a common tracked chassis with a hybrid powertrain. Modern reactive armor and an active defense system featuring radar and optical sensors provide enhanced protection. The tank is equipped with a 105mm turret, believed to perform comparably to 120mm cannons, and includes a remotely operated machine gun module.
The tank support combat vehicle features a combat module with an automatic cannon and is equipped with a reconnaissance drone. Two pilots positioned at the rear of the vehicle can control the drone. The vehicle’s drivers are equipped with augmented reality glasses.
Laser missile defense systems
China’s defense industry has developed several laser systems for air defense and missile interception. During the parade, LY-1 naval laser systems were displayed on wheeled platforms. Additionally, two other laser systems mounted on a four-axle truck and a three-axle armored vehicle were showcased. These are likely designed for the ground forces of the People’s Liberation Army.
Several countries, including Russia, the UK, and the US, are currently developing laser-based air defense systems. These offer a more cost-effective alternative to intercepting threats with expensive missiles, particularly when it comes to defending against swarms of inexpensive kamikaze drones. In August, a video surfaced showing a Russian laser weapon successfully intercepting a Ukrainian FP-1 kamikaze drone, causing it to explode upon contact.
Alternative for Germany is leading its closest competitor by 12 points ahead of next year’s election in the eastern German state of Saxony Anhalt, a new poll suggests
The right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party is more popular than ever in the eastern German state of Saxony Anhalt, results published on Thursday suggest. The new benchmark comes about a year before regional parliamentary elections scheduled for September 2026.
Almost 40% of the voters in Saxony Anhalt would back the party if the elections were to be held this weekend, according to a survey conducted by the Infratest Dimap Institute on behalf of several news media outlets.
AfD’s closest competitor – the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) – would only get 27% of the votes, putting it 12 percent points behind the AfD.
The party’s popularity has continued to grow despite its regional branch in Saxony Anhalt being declared a “far-right extremist” group by the German domestic security service (BfV) in 2023.
The poll involved over 1,100 eligible voters residing in the region and was held between August 28 and September 2.
The numbers suggest public support for AfD in Saxony Anhalt has nearly doubled since the previous regional election in 2021, when the party received slightly over 20% of the votes, coming second behind the CDU. The poll suggests support for AfD is up 2% since the party secured 37% of votes in Saxony-Anhalt in snap federal elections in February.
Another mid-August national poll suggested that AfD has overtaken Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s conservative bloc, becoming Germany’s most popular party. Support for AfD grew to an unprecedented 26% as the CDU fell to 24%, according to the RTL/ntv ‘Trendbarometer’ poll.
In May, the BfV declared the AfD a “confirmed right-wing extremist” group but suspended the designation pending a court ruling on the party’s appeal. German Justice Minister Stefanie Hubig also floated the idea of banning the party altogether, arguing that the level of public support for it is irrelevant if the authorities deem it unconstitutional.
Alternative for Germany is leading its closest competitor by 12 points ahead of next year’s election in the eastern German state of Saxony Anhalt, a new poll suggests
The right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party is more popular than ever in the eastern German state of Saxony Anhalt, results published on Thursday suggest. The new benchmark comes about a year before regional parliamentary elections scheduled for September 2026.
Almost 40% of the voters in Saxony Anhalt would back the party if the elections were to be held this weekend, according to a survey conducted by the Infratest Dimap Institute on behalf of several news media outlets.
AfD’s closest competitor – the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) – would only get 27% of the votes, putting it 12 percent points behind the AfD.
The party’s popularity has continued to grow despite its regional branch in Saxony Anhalt being declared a “far-right extremist” group by the German domestic security service (BfV) in 2023.
The poll involved over 1,100 eligible voters residing in the region and was held between August 28 and September 2.
The numbers suggest public support for AfD in Saxony Anhalt has nearly doubled since the previous regional election in 2021, when the party received slightly over 20% of the votes, coming second behind the CDU. The poll suggests support for AfD is up 2% since the party secured 37% of votes in Saxony-Anhalt in snap federal elections in February.
Another mid-August national poll suggested that AfD has overtaken Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s conservative bloc, becoming Germany’s most popular party. Support for AfD grew to an unprecedented 26% as the CDU fell to 24%, according to the RTL/ntv ‘Trendbarometer’ poll.
In May, the BfV declared the AfD a “confirmed right-wing extremist” group but suspended the designation pending a court ruling on the party’s appeal. German Justice Minister Stefanie Hubig also floated the idea of banning the party altogether, arguing that the level of public support for it is irrelevant if the authorities deem it unconstitutional.
The previously released recording on the night of the sex offender’s death jumped by one minute to midnight
A US congressional committee has released the “missing minute” from security camera footage outside convicted pedophile Jeffrey Epstein’s prison cell on the night of his death. Its existence contradicts Attorney General Pam Bondi’s earlier assertion that one minute was deleted every day at midnight upon camera reset.
The House Oversight and Government Reform Committee released more than 33,000 pages related to the Epstein case on Tuesday, amid mounting pressure on US President Donald Trump’s administration. The Justice Department (DOJ) and FBI have to date insisted that the late financier kept no ‘client list’ for his pedophile ring.
Previously released surveillance footage from Epstein’s cell block was missing one minute, from 11:59pm to midnight on August 9-10, sparking widespread speculation and accusations of a cover-up. His death has been officially ruled a suicide.
In the newly released video, shortly after 11:59, a man steps away from the guard desk and walks off screen. The limited field of view of the security camera does not show the entrance to Epstein’s cell.
The missing minute from Jeffrey Epstein’s surveillance footage has finally been released.
The original tape jumped from 11:58 p.m. straight to midnight—but the recovered clip reveals guards walking toward Epstein’s cell at 11:59:39, just seconds before midnight. pic.twitter.com/fi4yXML24X
The absence of a lapse in the recording contradicts the explanation previously given by Bondi. “What we learned from Bureau of Prisons was every night the video is reset, and every night should have the same minute missing,” she told journalists in July.
The newly released video is missing its metadata – technical information normally embedded in a file, that could help confirm that it was raw, unedited footage.
The “missing minute” is also far lower in quality, has a reduced framerate, and a different on-screen text format, CBS News said on Wednesday, citing video forensics experts.
The DOJ’s and the FBI’s conclusion that Epstein kept no “incriminating client list” has provoked widespread backlash from lawmakers and prominent commentators.
Trump, who had promised to release the Epstein files during his reelection campaign, has hit back at criticism over his handling of the case, arguing that only “stupid people” insist on seeing the sex trafficker’s supposed client list.
The previously released recording on the night of the sex offender’s death jumped by one minute to midnight
A US congressional committee has released the “missing minute” from security camera footage outside convicted pedophile Jeffrey Epstein’s prison cell on the night of his death. Its existence contradicts Attorney General Pam Bondi’s earlier assertion that one minute was deleted every day at midnight upon camera reset.
The House Oversight and Government Reform Committee released more than 33,000 pages related to the Epstein case on Tuesday, amid mounting pressure on US President Donald Trump’s administration. The Justice Department (DOJ) and FBI have to date insisted that the late financier kept no ‘client list’ for his pedophile ring.
Previously released surveillance footage from Epstein’s cell block was missing one minute, from 11:59pm to midnight on August 9-10, sparking widespread speculation and accusations of a cover-up. His death has been officially ruled a suicide.
In the newly released video, shortly after 11:59, a man steps away from the guard desk and walks off screen. The limited field of view of the security camera does not show the entrance to Epstein’s cell.
The missing minute from Jeffrey Epstein’s surveillance footage has finally been released.
The original tape jumped from 11:58 p.m. straight to midnight—but the recovered clip reveals guards walking toward Epstein’s cell at 11:59:39, just seconds before midnight. pic.twitter.com/fi4yXML24X
The absence of a lapse in the recording contradicts the explanation previously given by Bondi. “What we learned from Bureau of Prisons was every night the video is reset, and every night should have the same minute missing,” she told journalists in July.
The newly released video is missing its metadata – technical information normally embedded in a file, that could help confirm that it was raw, unedited footage.
The “missing minute” is also far lower in quality, has a reduced framerate, and a different on-screen text format, CBS News said on Wednesday, citing video forensics experts.
The DOJ’s and the FBI’s conclusion that Epstein kept no “incriminating client list” has provoked widespread backlash from lawmakers and prominent commentators.
Trump, who had promised to release the Epstein files during his reelection campaign, has hit back at criticism over his handling of the case, arguing that only “stupid people” insist on seeing the sex trafficker’s supposed client list.
Beijing’s model focuses on things the West’s “rules-based order” has forgotten – equality, law and common development
The recent Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin marked a decisive moment in the group’s evolution. What began more than two decades ago as a modest platform for regional security coordination is now presenting itself as the largest and one of the most ambitious regional organizations in the world.
This year’s summit was the largest in the organization’s history. More than 20 heads of state took part, joined by leaders of ten international organizations, including United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. The scale of participation sent a clear signal of the SCO’s appeal, drawing states that see in it a platform not dominated by the West. The SCO community welcomed Laos as a new partner, expanding its reach to 27 countries. Taken together, the SCO now represents a quarter of the world’s landmass, nearly half of its population, and around a quarter of global GDP.
The Tianjin summit confirmed that the SCO is no longer narrowly focused on security cooperation. Instead, it has become a comprehensive regional – and increasingly global – organization with a mandate covering economics, development, cultural exchange, and governance reform. This breadth of activity helps explain why its profile is rising.
Despite its expansion, the SCO is not a homogeneous bloc. Member states bring their own national priorities, and differences are frequent. India, for example, has consistently blocked Azerbaijan’s application for membership and remains the only SCO member not to endorse China’s Belt and Road Initiative. New Delhi’s simultaneous participation in the Quad – a grouping that also includes Australia, Japan, and the United States and is viewed suspiciously in Beijing and Moscow – adds another layer of complexity. Türkiye, a partner of the SCO, is also a NATO member, aligning itself with a military bloc traditionally hostile to both Russia and China.
These tensions underline the diversity within the SCO. Russia historically emphasized security issues, while China pushed economic cooperation as the main driver of integration. Yet Tianjin revealed that these once competing emphases are increasingly converging. All sides now acknowledge that a holistic approach – linking security with development – is essential for building durable cooperation.
Beyond multilateral sessions, the summit served as a venue for bilateral diplomacy, often among countries with strained ties. Armenia and Pakistan agreed in principle to establish diplomatic relations, a significant step given the lack of formal ties between them. Russian and Armenian leaders met in an effort to repair relations after Yerevan’s growing outreach to Western partners. Perhaps most significantly, Chinese President Xi Jinping met with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It was Modi’s first visit to China since 2019 and was widely read as a bold step toward improving Sino-Indian relations.
At a time when Western capitals increasingly seek to drive wedges among developing powers, such encounters highlight the SCO’s capacity to promote reconciliation and strengthen unity. It is becoming a venue not only for multilateral agreements but also for healing divides and fostering trust.
The Tianjin summit was not simply ceremonial. Leaders approved the SCO Development Strategy for 2026-2035, setting out the organization’s long-term trajectory, and issued the Tianjin Declaration, alongside more than 20 additional documents covering security cooperation, economic initiatives, cultural exchanges, and institutional reforms.
A landmark decision was the creation of an SCO development bank, intended to accelerate infrastructure construction and support social and economic progress across the region. China also made significant financial commitments: 2 billion yuan ($280 million) in grants within this year, 10 billion yuan ($1.4 billion) in loans over the next three years, and support for 100 specific projects. Four new SCO centers will be established to strengthen cooperation against security threats, transnational crime, cyberattacks, and drug trafficking.
These measures showed that the SCO is not a forum of empty declarations. It is delivering tangible benefits for its members and demonstrating how South-South cooperation can generate real results.
At the political level, the summit confirmed the SCO’s ambition to influence the shape of global governance. President Xi described the organization as a leader in promoting multipolarity and greater democracy in international relations. The Tianjin Declaration reflected this stance, laying out a shared vision of international order rooted in the legacy of World War II and anchored in the United Nations system. The declaration emphasized sovereignty, international law, multilateralism, economic globalization, indivisible security, and human rights adjusted to national conditions.
This perspective stands in open contrast to the Western “rules-based order.” The latter reflects Western dominance rather than universally agreed norms. By articulating an alternative rooted in sovereignty and multipolarity, the SCO is positioning itself as the institutional expression of a new global consensus emerging outside the West.
China used the Tianjin summit to introduce its Global Governance Initiative (GGI), a framework aimed at addressing structural flaws in the current international order. The GGI is built on five core principles: sovereign equality, international rule of law grounded in the UN Charter, multilateralism as the basis of governance, a people-centered approach that prioritizes common development, and pragmatism focused on measurable outcomes.
Beijing has identified the global financial system, artificial intelligence, cyberspace, climate change, international trade, and outer space as priority areas for rule-making. The GGI’s overarching goal is to create new institutions and norms that better represent the Global South, restore the UN’s centrality, and increase the effectiveness of governance mechanisms.
The GGI also highlights the dual nature of China’s international posture. On the one hand, Beijing presents itself as a defender of the UN-based postwar system. On the other, it calls for the construction of a new order that translates this system into practical arrangements suited to today’s world. The distinction between the “system” and the “order” is essential for understanding China’s behavior. It helps to counter the Western narrative that labels China as a ‘revisionist’ and ‘subversive’ power.
In reality, it is the US and its allies that undermine the United Nations in various ways to preserve their hegemony and block genuine democracy in international relations. Their resistance to democratization at the global level mirrors the growing authoritarian tendencies within their liberal democracies. This contradiction reveals that liberal elites in the West, rather than promoting freedom, justice, and progress, have become their main obstacle.
The GGI is the latest in a series of initiatives China has advanced since 2021. It joins the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, and the Global Civilization Initiative. Together, these proposals form the intellectual and policy foundation for Xi’s broader concept of building a “community with a shared future for mankind.” The aim is clear: to rally international support for a new, multipolar order that eliminates Western hegemony and safeguards peaceful coexistence.
It is no coincidence that China chose the SCO summit as the venue to inaugurate the Global Governance Initiative. For Beijing, the SCO is more than a regional body; it is a prototype of the future global governance pattern. The symbolism is powerful. By placing the SCO at the heart of its vision, Beijing is signaling that it sees the organization not just as a Eurasian platform, but as a cornerstone of global transformation. The SCO, in this framing, is both a laboratory for new ideas and a vehicle for implementing them.
The Tianjin summit confirmed that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has grown far beyond its initial purpose. With its growing size, scope, and agenda, the SCO is emerging as a central institution in the multipolar world order now taking shape.
Beijing’s model focuses on things the West’s “rules-based order” has forgotten – equality, law and common development
The recent Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin marked a decisive moment in the group’s evolution. What began more than two decades ago as a modest platform for regional security coordination is now presenting itself as the largest and one of the most ambitious regional organizations in the world.
This year’s summit was the largest in the organization’s history. More than 20 heads of state took part, joined by leaders of ten international organizations, including United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. The scale of participation sent a clear signal of the SCO’s appeal, drawing states that see in it a platform not dominated by the West. The SCO community welcomed Laos as a new partner, expanding its reach to 27 countries. Taken together, the SCO now represents a quarter of the world’s landmass, nearly half of its population, and around a quarter of global GDP.
The Tianjin summit confirmed that the SCO is no longer narrowly focused on security cooperation. Instead, it has become a comprehensive regional – and increasingly global – organization with a mandate covering economics, development, cultural exchange, and governance reform. This breadth of activity helps explain why its profile is rising.
Despite its expansion, the SCO is not a homogeneous bloc. Member states bring their own national priorities, and differences are frequent. India, for example, has consistently blocked Azerbaijan’s application for membership and remains the only SCO member not to endorse China’s Belt and Road Initiative. New Delhi’s simultaneous participation in the Quad – a grouping that also includes Australia, Japan, and the United States and is viewed suspiciously in Beijing and Moscow – adds another layer of complexity. Türkiye, a partner of the SCO, is also a NATO member, aligning itself with a military bloc traditionally hostile to both Russia and China.
These tensions underline the diversity within the SCO. Russia historically emphasized security issues, while China pushed economic cooperation as the main driver of integration. Yet Tianjin revealed that these once competing emphases are increasingly converging. All sides now acknowledge that a holistic approach – linking security with development – is essential for building durable cooperation.
Beyond multilateral sessions, the summit served as a venue for bilateral diplomacy, often among countries with strained ties. Armenia and Pakistan agreed in principle to establish diplomatic relations, a significant step given the lack of formal ties between them. Russian and Armenian leaders met in an effort to repair relations after Yerevan’s growing outreach to Western partners. Perhaps most significantly, Chinese President Xi Jinping met with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It was Modi’s first visit to China since 2019 and was widely read as a bold step toward improving Sino-Indian relations.
At a time when Western capitals increasingly seek to drive wedges among developing powers, such encounters highlight the SCO’s capacity to promote reconciliation and strengthen unity. It is becoming a venue not only for multilateral agreements but also for healing divides and fostering trust.
The Tianjin summit was not simply ceremonial. Leaders approved the SCO Development Strategy for 2026-2035, setting out the organization’s long-term trajectory, and issued the Tianjin Declaration, alongside more than 20 additional documents covering security cooperation, economic initiatives, cultural exchanges, and institutional reforms.
A landmark decision was the creation of an SCO development bank, intended to accelerate infrastructure construction and support social and economic progress across the region. China also made significant financial commitments: 2 billion yuan ($280 million) in grants within this year, 10 billion yuan ($1.4 billion) in loans over the next three years, and support for 100 specific projects. Four new SCO centers will be established to strengthen cooperation against security threats, transnational crime, cyberattacks, and drug trafficking.
These measures showed that the SCO is not a forum of empty declarations. It is delivering tangible benefits for its members and demonstrating how South-South cooperation can generate real results.
At the political level, the summit confirmed the SCO’s ambition to influence the shape of global governance. President Xi described the organization as a leader in promoting multipolarity and greater democracy in international relations. The Tianjin Declaration reflected this stance, laying out a shared vision of international order rooted in the legacy of World War II and anchored in the United Nations system. The declaration emphasized sovereignty, international law, multilateralism, economic globalization, indivisible security, and human rights adjusted to national conditions.
This perspective stands in open contrast to the Western “rules-based order.” The latter reflects Western dominance rather than universally agreed norms. By articulating an alternative rooted in sovereignty and multipolarity, the SCO is positioning itself as the institutional expression of a new global consensus emerging outside the West.
China used the Tianjin summit to introduce its Global Governance Initiative (GGI), a framework aimed at addressing structural flaws in the current international order. The GGI is built on five core principles: sovereign equality, international rule of law grounded in the UN Charter, multilateralism as the basis of governance, a people-centered approach that prioritizes common development, and pragmatism focused on measurable outcomes.
Beijing has identified the global financial system, artificial intelligence, cyberspace, climate change, international trade, and outer space as priority areas for rule-making. The GGI’s overarching goal is to create new institutions and norms that better represent the Global South, restore the UN’s centrality, and increase the effectiveness of governance mechanisms.
The GGI also highlights the dual nature of China’s international posture. On the one hand, Beijing presents itself as a defender of the UN-based postwar system. On the other, it calls for the construction of a new order that translates this system into practical arrangements suited to today’s world. The distinction between the “system” and the “order” is essential for understanding China’s behavior. It helps to counter the Western narrative that labels China as a ‘revisionist’ and ‘subversive’ power.
In reality, it is the US and its allies that undermine the United Nations in various ways to preserve their hegemony and block genuine democracy in international relations. Their resistance to democratization at the global level mirrors the growing authoritarian tendencies within their liberal democracies. This contradiction reveals that liberal elites in the West, rather than promoting freedom, justice, and progress, have become their main obstacle.
The GGI is the latest in a series of initiatives China has advanced since 2021. It joins the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, and the Global Civilization Initiative. Together, these proposals form the intellectual and policy foundation for Xi’s broader concept of building a “community with a shared future for mankind.” The aim is clear: to rally international support for a new, multipolar order that eliminates Western hegemony and safeguards peaceful coexistence.
It is no coincidence that China chose the SCO summit as the venue to inaugurate the Global Governance Initiative. For Beijing, the SCO is more than a regional body; it is a prototype of the future global governance pattern. The symbolism is powerful. By placing the SCO at the heart of its vision, Beijing is signaling that it sees the organization not just as a Eurasian platform, but as a cornerstone of global transformation. The SCO, in this framing, is both a laboratory for new ideas and a vehicle for implementing them.
The Tianjin summit confirmed that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has grown far beyond its initial purpose. With its growing size, scope, and agenda, the SCO is emerging as a central institution in the multipolar world order now taking shape.
The EU Commission president’s team reported that Russia had likely interfered with her rented private jet’s navigation systems
There is no evidence Russia interfered with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s airplane during her recent flight to Bulgaria, the country’s authorities have said. In a hastily arranged press conference on Thursday Bulgarian Prime Minister Rosen Zhelyazkov admitted to “a mess of information with questions, facts and the circumstances” and stated he had ordered a fresh inquiry into the allegations.
The European Commission earlier claimed Bulgarian authorities had confirmed the incident.
Zhelyazkov had told parliament on Thursday that no evidence of a Russian attack had been found and that von der Leyen’s plane did not suffer any serious issues, only short-term signal degradation, which is common in densely populated areas.
“After checking the onboard records, we saw that the pilot did not express any concerns. The plane was in the holding area for about five minutes, and the signal quality remained good the entire time,” Zhelyazkov was quoted as saying by Bild.
Bulgarian Deputy Prime Minister and Transport Minister Grozdan Karadjov also said that there is “not a single fact that confirms the claim that the plane’s GPS signal was jammed,” citing empirical data, radio intercepts, recordings of our civil and military departments.
In an interview with bTV, Karadjov also denied sharing any information about the incident with the European Commission.
A fresh inquiry involving Bulgaria’s Civil Aviation Authority has been ordered, according to Zhelyazkov.
On Sunday von der Leyen’s pilots allegedly reported issues with their navigation systems while landing in Plovdiv on a PR exercise to visit “Europe’s frontline states.” The Financial Times Brussels bureau chief Henry Foy, who was on board the press junket, reported that the flight was “forced to circle for an hour.” EU officials later told Sky of suspected “blatant Russian interference.”
NATO chief Mark Rutte claimed “we are all on the eastern flank now, whether you live in London or Tallinn. “
Moscow on Thursday dismissed the “preposterous” accusations pushed by Brussels, pointing to publicly available flight tracking data which indicates that von der Leyen’s jet had reported good GPS signal quality throughout the flight.
Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova suggested that the EU’s accusations were “not just paranoia, but a cynical plot to distract their own population from the EU’s worsening economic situation and from considering the real culprits behind the European crisis – the irresponsible, kleptocratic political elites of the European Union.”
Since 2024, the Nordic and Baltic countries have accused Russia of disrupting communications on planes and ships as a form of “hybrid warfare,” allegations Russia has denied.
